2018年12月19日 12:10:12|来源:国际在线|编辑:时空乐园
WASHINGTON F.B.I. investigators suspect that the wife of the Orlando gunman, Omar Mateen, might have been aware that he was plotting an attack, and the agency is trying to determine her level of involvement, a senior law enforcement official said Tuesday.华盛顿——一名执法部门高级官员于周二透露,联邦调查局(FBI)办案人员怀疑,奥兰多手奥马尔·马廷(Omar Mateen)的妻子可能知道他的袭击计划,他们正试图明确她在此事中的参与程度。The wife, Noor Zahi Salman, told the F.B.I. that she had driven him to the Pulse nightclub at some point before the attack and that she had also been with him when he bought ammunition, the official said. But she also said she had tried to talk him out of waging an attack, the official said.该官员表示,手的妻子努尔·扎帷萨尔曼(Noor Zahi Salman)对FBI说,袭击前她曾开车载着他去过Pulse夜店,在他购买弹药时,她也在身边。但是官员表示,她还说她曾试图劝马廷不要发起袭击。Her statements were first reported by N News.N新闻(N News)首先报道了她的供词。“There’s an indication that she was with him in certain parts of the process, and we’re sorting through it,said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the investigation is at an early stage. “We don’t know what’s true and what’s not.”“有迹象表明,她在全过程的某些时段是和他在一起的,我们正在排查,”该官员说,由于调查尚在初期阶段,他要求匿名接受采访。“我们还不知道哪些是真的哪些是假的。”Ms. Salman is not in custody, the official said. While a person who withholds knowledge of a crime could face criminal charges, she is not facing imminent arrest, and no decisions have been made on whether she might be prosecuted, the official said.他说萨尔曼并未受到羁押。对犯罪知情不报会面临刑事指控,但他说她近期不会遭到逮捕,也没有决定是否对她发起检控。Mr. Mateen’s first marriage ended in divorce, and his ex-wife said after the shooting rampage that he had beaten her during their time together and isolated her from family and friends.马廷的第一段婚姻以离婚告终,他的前妻在案发后说,他们在一起生活的那段时间里,他曾经打过她,并且不让她和自己的家人、朋友来往。In Northern California, neighbors of Ms. Salman’s family gave a similar account of Mr. Mateen’s controlling ways.在北加州,萨尔曼家人的邻居对马廷霸道的行事方式有着类似的陈述。Ms. Salman’s mother, Ekbal Zahi Salman, had complained to a neighbor that Ms. Salman, her eldest daughter, wanted to come home to visit her parents and younger sisters, but that Mr. Mateen had forbidden her. Only once did he allow her to return to her family home in Rodeo, a San Francisco suburb, and that was a few years ago when her father was dying, neighbors said.萨尔曼的母亲埃克巴尔·扎西·萨尔Ekbal Zahi Salman)曾向一位邻居抱怨,长女萨尔曼想要回家看看父母和们,但马廷禁止她这样做。邻居们说,马廷唯一一次允许萨尔曼回到位于旧金山郊区罗迪欧的娘家,是在几年前萨尔曼的父亲弥留之际。Jasbinder Chahal, a friend of the family who lives across the street, said that not long ago, Ms. Salman’s mother had told her that Ms. Salman, her young son and Mr. Mateen went to Disney World, in Orlando.住在街对面的萨尔曼家的朋友贾斯宾德·察哈尔(Jasbinder Chahal)说,不久前,萨尔曼的母亲曾经告诉她,萨尔曼和幼子以及马廷一起去了奥兰多的迪士尼乐园(Disney World)。On Monday night, Ms. Chahal said, she visited the Salman house and found the mother crying. “She can’t contact her daughter,Ms Chahal said. “She doesn’t know where she is. She’s texting, and she’s not returning her texts.”察哈尔说她周一晚上去了萨尔曼家,看到萨尔曼的母亲正在哭泣。“她联系不上女儿,”察哈尔说。“她不知道女儿在哪儿。她一直发短信,女儿却没有回复。”Ms. Salman grew up in a devout Muslim family originally from a Palestinian community, and every summer the family returned to there. The mother wears a hijab, and the family observes Ramadan.萨尔曼成长于一个虔诚的穆斯林家庭。这家人最初来自一个巴勒斯坦社区,每年夏天都要回到那里。萨尔曼的母亲佩戴头巾,这家人会过斋月。This was Noor Salman’s second marriage. Hardeep Ahluwalia, another neighbor, said that years ago, the family had rented out its house, returning to the Middle East. It was around that time, he said, that Ms. Salman’s parents arranged a marriage for her. She may have been 19 or 20, Ms. Chahal said. The marriage did not work out.这是努尔·萨尔Noor Salman)的第二场婚姻。另一位邻居哈迪普·阿卢瓦利Hardeep Ahluwalia)说,多年前,这家人曾把房子出租出去,重返中东。他说,在那期间,萨尔曼的父母为她安排了一门婚事。她当时可能只有19岁或20岁。那场婚姻没能长久。Ms. Chahal said that inside the Salmansavocado-colored two-story home, Ms. Salman’s mother had kept a close watch on her four daughters, driving them to school and picking them up. None of the girls were allowed to drive, Ms. Chahal said. And “they did not allow boys to go to the house,she said.察哈尔说,萨尔曼的母亲曾在她家那栋两层楼的暗黄绿色房屋里严加管教四个女儿,开车送她们去学校再接她们回来。几个女孩都不被允许开车,察哈尔说,而且“他们也不允许男孩子上门”。来 /201606/449660

Russian President Vladimir Putin has said Russias border ;doesnt end anywhere;, addressing a televised awards ceremony for students.在一场电视颁奖典礼上,俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔·普京对学生们称:“俄罗斯的边境没有终点”;That was a joke,; Mr Putin said amid applause and laughter from the audience at the glitzy ceremony.在这场盛大的仪式上,面对观众发出的热烈掌声和欢声笑语,普京说道:“我只是开个玩笑而已。”He was asking a nine-year-old boy: ;Where does Russias border end?;当时普京正在问一岁的男孩:“俄罗斯的边界到那里为止?”The boy had said ;at the Bering Strait;. Mr Putin then provided his own answer.这个男孩回答道:“在白令海峡”。但是普京说出了他自己的。In July 2014, three months after Russian troops annexed Ukraines Crimea peninsula, he spelled out his doctrine to Russian ambassadors.2014月,在俄罗斯军队兼并乌克兰克里米亚半岛三个月之后,普京向俄罗斯大使们阐明了他的理念;I would like to make it clear to all: our country will continue to actively defend the rights of Russians, our compatriots abroad, using the entire range of available means - from political and economic to operations under international humanitarian law and the right of self-defence.;“我想对你们明确表示:我们的国家将继续努力保护俄罗斯人和海外同胞的权利,我们将使用一切可能的手段,包括政治的和经济的手段,以及包括采取一切符合国际人道法律和自卫权利的手段。”Nato and Western leaders accuse the Kremlin of sending regular troops and heavy weapons to pro-Russian rebels in eastern Ukraine. The Kremlin has repeatedly denied that, insisting that any Russian troops there are ;volunteers;.报道称,北约和西方国家领导人一直指责克里姆林宫向乌克兰东部“派遣正规军”,并向当地的亲俄民间武装运送重型武器,但克里姆林宫方面对此予以否认,坚称那里的所有俄军都是“志愿者”。来 /201612/481487

Donald Trump and his economic team love manufacturing. That much is clear from Mr Trump’s speeches; from what his strategist Steve Bannon has said about his self-avowed economic nationalism; and from his trade adviser Peter Navarro’s attacks on Germany and stated goal to repatriate international supply chains.唐纳特朗Donald Trump)和他的经济团队对制造业情有独钟。关于这一点,从特朗普的发言中、从其战略师史蒂班农(Steve Bannon)围绕其自称的经济民族主义的说法中、以及从其贸易顾问彼纳瓦Peter Navarro)对德国的攻击和其宣示的将国际供应链迁回国内的目标中,都能看得十分清楚。There is a certain method in their factory worker machismo. As a matter of economic logic, a fetish for mercantilism exports are good, imports are bad goes hand in hand with one for manufacturing. The high productivity of manufacturing means a country with a large proportion of its workforce in factories needs to ship a lot of its output abroad: it will simply be producing too many goods for its own population to consume. Since it is harder to import services than goods, an industrial power will find it difficult to consume the full value of its excess production. Instead, it tends to become a financial creditor to the rest of the world, lending its customers the funds to buy its goods.在他们这种对工厂工人的大男子情结中,存在着某种逻辑。出于经济上的逻辑,重商主义(那种认为出口是好事、进口是坏事的观念)的拜物教和制造业拜物教是成对出现的。制造业的高产意味着工厂工人占劳动力很大比例的国家需要输出许多产品:它生产的商品数量超出本国人口消费能力。由于进口务比进口商品更难,一个工业大国会发现很难消费其过剩产出的全部价值。相反,该国往往会成为世界上其他国家的金融债权国,向客户出借资金,让对方买下该国的商品。On a global level, there is only so much demand for manufacturers, and therefore only so many manufacturing jobs to be had. Only in a few countries, therefore, can manufacturing be the preponderant economic activity. For the past two generations, there are three countries that have traditionally been goods producers to the world: Germany, Japan and China. It is no coincidence that these have been both industrial powerhouses and surplus economies.在全球层面,对制造业的需求只有这么多,所以制造业岗位也只能有这么多。因此,制造业只能在少数国家成为占优势的经济活动。过去两代人期间,只有三个国家成为传统意义上的世界工厂:德国、日本和中国。并非巧合的是,这三国既是工业强国,又是贸易顺差经济体。The economic nationalism of President Trump and Messrs Navarro and Bannon can be described as Germany-envy. In those manufacturing powers, they see countries that have fought to hold on to the good, manly jobs that validate the status of the native working class. Like so often with machismo, the envy is rooted in insecurity a feeling of inadequacy compared with the perceived strength sported by these economies. Since export surpluses cannot be enjoyed by all countries (unlike broader gains from trade), manufacturing fetishism leads logically to a zero-sum view of trade policy. It entails an attempt to displace the current surplus of manufacturing producers. Thus, in the context of a Germany-envying inferiority complex, the desire to repatriate global supply chains, limit imports and boost manufacturing makes sense.特朗普总统以及纳瓦罗和班农的经济民族主义可以被描述为对德国的嫉妒。在他们看来,这些制造业强国努力保住了那些待遇不错的、男子气概的工作岗位,从而捍卫了本土工人阶级的地位。正如大男子情结所经常伴随的,这种嫉妒的根源在于不安全感——与那些经济体貌似具有的实力攀比所带来的不足感。由于不是所有国家都能享有出口顺差(这一点不同于通过贸易来扩大受益面),因此制造业拜物教合乎逻辑地得出对于贸易政策的零和看法。它涉及一种与制造业国家争夺经常账户顺差的企图。因此,在嫉妒德国的自卑情结的大背景下,把全球供应链迁回国内、限制进口和提振制造业的想法是可以自圆其说的。But, outside the fetishistsfantasies, it will not produce the desired effect. First, manufacturing machismo itself is a handicap when it comes to grasping the opportunities for a thriving economy. By far the largest number of jobs to be created in the US over the next decade will be in services, in particular the caring professions.但是,在拜物者幻想的世界以外,它并不会产生想要的效果。首先,就抓住一个繁荣经济体的机遇而言,念念不忘制造业的大男子情结本身是一大障碍。今0年,美国创造的务业岗位数量(尤其是护理工作)将远超其他经济部门。Factory fetishists might retort that it is this development they want to oppose by resurrecting factory employment. But this runs headlong into a second obstacle. Regardless of trade, automation is reducing the need for manufacturing jobs everywhere. As the economist Brad DeLong pointed out in a recent essay, that is true in Germany, too, which has seen a fall in factory employment almost as sharp as in the US (the same holds for Japan). Yes, manufacturing employment may be higher in Germany, and factory fetishists can regret that the US did not fight harder to hold on to dwindling manufacturing employment. But doing so would do nothing to stop the overall decline. No advanced economy, whether the US or Germany, will ever return to the high manufacturing employment shares of the mid-1970s or earlier. Besides, many German workers have faced long wage stagnation. And all the big industrial economies have chosen to internationalise their supply chains. Things are not as different from the US as the Trumpteam imagine.工厂崇拜者们可能会反驳,他们想要复兴工厂就业,正是为了顶住这种发展趋势。但这样就会直接撞向第二个障碍。撇开贸易不谈,自动化正在减少各地的制造业岗位需求。正如经济学家布拉德?德朗(Brad DeLong)在最近的一篇论文中指出的,这一点也适用于德国,其工业就业的降幅几乎和美国一样剧烈(日本也是如此)。没错,德国的制造业就业比例或许高一些,而工厂崇拜者可以对这样一点表示遗憾:当初美国在保住不断减少的制造业就业方面不够努力。但即使努力了也无助于遏止制造业就业的整体下滑。无论是美国还是德国,没有哪个发达经济体会回到上世纪70年代中期或者更早时期的那种高比例的制造业就业。此外,很多德国工人已多年面临薪资停滞,同时所有大型工业经济体都选择将供应链国际化。这些经济体的情况不像特朗普团队所想的那样,与美国存在什么重大差异。It gets worse. If the factory fetishists are obsessed enough to throw themselves into a battle for a steadily shrinking type of employment, they may well find that their most obvious weapons are doubled-edged at best. Suppose the Trump administration forced through changes in the North American Free Trade Agreement so as to repatriate all parts of the car production process, the most salient of the supply chains Mr Navarro says he wants to bring back. The result will be to make US-produced cars more expensive. How is that going to help expand American car exports?还有更糟糕的问题。如果这些工厂崇拜者一意孤行,为了保护一类稳步萎缩的就业而不惜一战,他们很可能发现,自己手中最明显的武器往好了说也只是一把双刃剑。假设特朗普政府强行通过对《北美自由贸易协定NAFTA)的修改,从而把纳瓦罗希望迁回国内的供应链中最显著的汽车生产供应链迁回国内。结果将是使美国生产的汽车更昂贵。这怎么会帮助扩大美国汽车出口?Or suppose that a border tax, or some other protectionist device, is put in place and successfully cuts imports. This would reduce the living standards of many Americans who would pay more for their consumer goods. But would it at least reduce the trade deficit or even create a surplus? No: the most likely effect would be to cut exports, too.或者假设出台边境税,或者利用其他一些保护主义手段成功地削减进口。这将降低很多美国人的生活标准,因为他们需要为消费品花费更多的钱。不过,这能否至少降低贸易逆差,甚至创造贸易盈余?是否定的:最有可能的影响是出口也会减少。Supporters of a border tax argue that the downward pressure on imports will temper the sale of dollars, causing an appreciation that will rebalance trade. Others cite the “backhaul problem shipowners adjust prices to discourage one-way shipments that leave vessels empty on half of their routes. If protectionism means they have fewer imports to bring in, they will charge more to take exports out.边境税的持者主张,进口所受的下行压力会限制美元的卖出,从而导致美元升值,推动贸易再平衡。其他人则引述“回程问题”:船东会调整价格,以抑制船舶在回程期间空载的单程运输。如果保护主义意味着船东运送到美国的进口减少,他们将抬高把美国的出口运往海外的运费。Thus, protectionist policies are likely to shrink imports and exports, leaving the protected economy worse off than before and in no better position even by the misguided measures of the manufacturing fetishists themselves.因此,保护主义政策很可能同时减少进口和出口,让受到保护的经济的状况比之前更糟,即使采用制造业崇拜者自己的具有误导性的衡量标准,也不会处于一个更好的境地。Like all visions rooted in insecurity and envy, factory fetishism reflects a real problem. But pursuing it risks producing conflict, with little of the good effect the fetishists expect.就像所有植根于不安全感和嫉妒的愿景一样,工厂拜物教反映了一个切实的问题。但是与这个问题“死磕”有可能制造冲突,而不会带来工厂崇拜者期待的良好效果。来 /201702/492503

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