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湖州人民医院脱毛手术多少钱湖州曙光医院脱毛费用湖州吸脂医院哪里好 John F. Kennedy: Address to the Greater Houston Ministerial Associationdelivered 12 September 1960 at the Rice Hotel in Houston, TXVideo Stream of AddressAudio mp3 of AddressAudio mp3 Stream of AddressReverend Meza, Reverend Reck, I'm grateful for your generous invitation to state my views. While the so-called religious issue is necessarily and properly the chief topic here tonight, I want to emphasize from the outset that I believe that we have far more critical issues in the 1960 campaign; the sp of Communist influence, until it now festers only 90 miles from the coast of Florida -- the humiliating treatment of our President and Vice President by those who no longer respect our power -- the hungry children I saw in West Virginia, the old people who cannot pay their doctors bills, the families forced to give up their farms -- an America with too many slums, with too few schools, and too late to the moon and outer space. These are the real issues which should decide this campaign. And they are not religious issues -- for war and hunger and ignorance and despair know no religious barrier. But because I am a Catholic, and no Catholic has ever been elected President, the real issues in this campaign have been obscured -- perhaps deliberately, in some quarters less responsible than this. So it is apparently necessary for me to state once again -- not what kind of church I believe in, for that should be important only to me -- but what kind of America I believe in. I believe in an America where the separation of church and state is absolute; where no Catholic prelate would tell the President -- should he be Catholic -- how to act, and no Protestant minister would tell his parishioners for whom to vote; where no church or church school is granted any public funds or political preference, and where no man is denied public office merely because his religion differs from the President who might appoint him, or the people who might elect him. I believe in an America that is officially neither Catholic, Protestant nor Jewish; where no public official either requests or accept instructions on public policy from the Pope, the National Council of Churches or any other ecclesiastical source; where no religious body seeks to impose its will directly or indirectly upon the general populace or the public acts of its officials, and where religious liberty is so indivisible that an act against one church is treated as an act against all. For while this year it may be a Catholic against whom the finger of suspicion is pointed, in other years it has been -- and may someday be again -- a Jew, or a Quaker, or a arian, or a Baptist. It was Virginia's harassment of Baptist preachers, for example, that led to Jefferson's statute of religious freedom. Today, I may be the victim, but tomorrow it may be you -- until the whole fabric of our harmonious society is ripped apart at a time of great national peril. Finally, I believe in an America where religious intolerance will someday end, where all men and all churches are treated as equals, where every man has the same right to attend or not to attend the church of his choice, where there is no Catholic vote, no anti-Catholic vote, no bloc voting of any kind, and where Catholics, Protestants, and Jews, at both the lay and the pastoral levels, will refrain from those attitudes of disdain and division which have so often marred their works in the past, and promote instead the American ideal of brotherhood. That is the kind of America in which I believe. And it represents the kind of Presidency in which I believe, a great office that must be neither humbled by making it the instrument of any religious group nor tarnished by arbitrarily withholding it -- its occupancy from the members of any one religious group. I believe in a President whose views on religion are his own private affair, neither imposed upon him by the nation, nor imposed by the nation upon himsup1; as a condition to holding that office. I would not look with favor upon a President working to subvert the first amendment's guarantees of religious liberty; nor would our system of checks and balances permit him to do so. And neither do I look with favor upon those who would work to subvert Article VI of the Constitution by requiring a religious test, even by indirection. For if they disagree with that safeguard, they should be openly working to repeal it. I want a Chief Executive whose public acts are responsible to all and obligated to none, who can attend any ceremony, service, or dinner his office may appropriately require of him to fulfill; and whose fulfillment of his Presidential office is not limited or conditioned by any religious oath, ritual, or obligation. This is the kind of America I believe in -- and this is the kind of America I fought for in the South Pacific, and the kind my brother died for in Europe. No one suggested then that we might have a divided loyalty, that we did not believe in liberty, or that we belonged to a disloyal group that threatened -- I e -- "the freedoms for which our forefathers died." And in fact this is the kind of America for which our forefathers did die when they fled here to escape religious test oaths that denied office to members of less favored churches -- when they fought for the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, the Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom -- and when they fought at the shrine I visited today, the Alamo. For side by side with Bowie and Crockett died Fuentes, and McCafferty, and Bailey, and Badillo, and Carey -- but no one knows whether they were Catholics or not. For there was no religious test there. I ask you tonight to follow in that tradition -- to judge me on the basis of 14 years in the Congress, on my declared stands against an Ambassador to the Vatican, against unconstitutional aid to parochial schools, and against any boycott of the public schools -- which I attended myself. And instead of doing this, do not judge me on the basis of these pamphlets and publications we all have seen that carefully select ations out of context from the statements of Catholic church leaders, usually in other countries, frequently in other centuries, and rarely relevant to any situation here. And always omitting, of course, the statement of the American Bishops in 1948 which strongly endorsed Church-State separation, and which more nearly reflects the views of almost every American Catholic. I do not consider these other ations binding upon my public acts. Why should you? But let me say, with respect to other countries, that I am wholly opposed to the State being used by any religious group, Catholic or Protestant, to compel, prohibit, or prosecute the free exercise of any other religion. And that goes for any persecution, at any time, by anyone, in any country. And I hope that you and I condemn with equal fervor those nations which deny their Presidency to Protestants, and those which deny it to Catholics. And rather than cite the misdeeds of those who differ, I would also cite the record of the Catholic Church in such nations as France and Ireland, and the independence of such statesmen as De Gaulle and Adenauer. But let me stress again that these are my views. For contrary to common newspaper usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for President. I am the Democratic Party's candidate for President who happens also to be a Catholic. I do not speak for my church on public matters; and the church does not speak for me. Whatever issue may come before me as President, if I should be elected, on birth control, divorce, censorship, gambling or any other subject, I will make my decision in accordance with these views -- in accordance with what my conscience tells me to be in the national interest, and without regard to outside religious pressure or dictates. And no power or threat of punishment could cause me to decide otherwise. But if the time should ever come -- and I do not concede any conflict to be remotely possible -- when my office would require me to either violate my conscience or violate the national interest, then I would resign the office; and I hope any conscientious public servant would do likewise. But I do not intend to apologize for these views to my critics of either Catholic or Protestant faith; nor do I intend to disavow either my views or my church in order to win this election. If I should lose on the real issues, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I'd tried my best and was fairly judged. But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being President on the day they were baptized, then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of history, and in the eyes of our own people. But if, on the other hand, I should win this election, then I shall devote every effort of mind and spirit to fulfilling the oath of the Presidency -- practically identical, I might add, with the oath I have taken for 14 years in the Congress. For without reservation, I can, "solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the ed States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution -- so help me God.200606/7525THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. Today I am signing emergency legislation to fund the Federal government for the next seven weeks. This legislation was necessary because Congress failed in its most basic responsibility: to pass the spending bills that fund the day-to-day operations of the government. There are 12 of these bills this year, and Congress did not complete a single one of them, so Congress had to send me a stop-gap measure before the fiscal year ends this Sunday at midnight. Congress's failure to pass these 12 spending bills is disappointing, but I do thank the Congress for passing this temporary measure, and for passing it without any new spending, new policies or new projects. It would have been wrong to deny essential government services to the American people while Congress works through its annual spending bills. I also appreciate the way this bill handles our disagreements over the State Children's Health Insurance Program. Congressional leaders have put forward an irresponsible plan that would dramatically expand this program beyond its original intent. And they know I will veto it. But it is good that they kept the program running while they try to work out a more responsible approach. Congress now has more time to complete its work on its annual spending bills. Earlier this year congressional leaders promised to show that they could be responsible with the people's money. Unfortunately they seem to have chosen the path of higher spending. They have proposed spending increases that would add an extra 5 billion on top of my Administration's budget request over the next five years. There's only one way to pay for such a large spending increase, and that is to raise taxes on the American people. So it is no surprise that the same Members of Congress who are planning this big increase in Federal spending are also planning the biggest tax increase in American history. If these members get their way, the tax relief my Administration delivered could be taken away from you. Let me explain what this would mean for an average taxpayer. If you have children, your taxes would rise by 0 for each child. If you're a family of four making ,000 a year, your taxes would be more than ,800 higher. If you're a single mother with two children, working to make ends meet, your taxes would go up by more than a ,000. If you're a small business owner working to meet a payroll, your taxes would increase by almost ,000. And if Congress allows our tax relief to expire, more than 5 million low-income Americans who currently pay no income taxes would once again have to pay taxes. These are not the only taxes Congress wants to raise. They're proposing higher taxes on dividends and capital gains. They're proposing higher taxes on cigars and cigarettes. They're proposing to raise taxes on domestic oil and natural gas production. They're proposing new taxes on stock and bond transactions. And they refuse to make the Internet tax moratorium permanent. If this tax ban expires, it would open the doors for State and local officials to impose new taxes on your access to the Internet. At a time when many American families are dealing with rising mortgage rates, college costs, and health care expenses, it is wrong to take even more money out of your paychecks. Washington's elected leaders can do better. By working together, we can keep taxes low, help keep the economy growing, balance the Federal budget, and build on our record of fiscal discipline and greater economic opportunity for all Americans. Thank you for listening. 200801/23812湖州曙光整形美容医院怎么走

湖州市除晒斑多少钱It is good to be back here with all of you.很高兴能与大家相聚在这里。I’ve got a few acknowledgments I’ve got to make before I say what I’ve got to say. 在我发言之前我不得不进行一些确认。First of all, somebody who has served our country with the kind of distinction that doesn’t happen a lot, somebody who has been a leader for you and a leader for our country for a very long time -- give your commander,General John Allen, a big, big round of applause. 首先,是一位用荣誉效忠我们的国家的人,而这并不多见,这个人为一直是你们的领导,而且很长一段时间内也是我们国家的领导——向你们的指挥官约翰#8226;艾伦,致以热烈、非常热烈的掌声。We also have somebody who is John’s partner on the civilian side and has made extraordinary sacrifices, first in Iraq, now in Afghanistan -- Ambassador Ryan Crocker is here. 我们也有某人,曾经是约翰的伙伴,首先是在伊拉克,现在是在阿富汗以文官的身份做出了很大的牺牲——大使雷恩#8226;克罗克就在这里。Please give him a big round of applause.请也向他致以热烈的掌声。All right, now, let me just see if I’ve got this right. 好的,现在,让我就来看看我是否说的对。We’ve got the First Infantry Division in the house.这间屋子中有我们的第一步兵师。We’ve got the 455th Air Expeditionary Wing. 有我们的第455空中远征翼。We’ve got the Task Force Muleskinner.有我们的穆勒斯齐纳特遣部队。We’ve got the 101st Army Field Sustainment Brigade.有我们的101野战保障旅。We’ve got Task Force Paladin in the house.在这间屋子中有我们的圣骑士特遣部队。And we’ve got Task Force Defender in the house. 有我们的防御者特遣部队。And we’ve got me in the house.我自己也身在其中。Eighty-second in the house — 82nd in the house.在屋子中有82人。You know, somebody is going to be in trouble that they didn’t have 82nd on here.你知道,有人要有麻烦了,他们没有在这里排名第82位。Anybody else I’m missing? 还有我错过的人吗?There you go. All right. 我们开始。好的。I love all of you.我爱你们所有的人。Now, listen, I’m not going to give a long speech.现在,听着,我不打算发表长篇大论。I’m going to have the opportunity to address the nation from Bagram just in a little bit, and it’s going to be broadcast back home during primetime.我将有机会只是从巴拉格姆讲一点点这个国家,而且在回家的时候也会在黄金时段播放。So all I want to do is just say thank you. 所以我想做的只是说谢谢你们。The sacrifices all of you have made, the sacrifices your families make every single day are what make America free and what make America secure.所有你们所做的牺牲,你们的家人牺牲的每一天都使美国自由而且让美国的安全。And I know that sometimes, out here, when you’re in theater, it’s not clear whether folks back home fully appreciate what’s going on.我知道,有时,如果不在这里,当你在剧院的时候,现在还不清楚人们回家时是否完全理解发生了什么。And let’s face it, a lot of times it’s easier to get bad news on the news than good news.让我们面对这个问题,很多时候坏消息比好消息更容易得到。But here’s the good news, and here’s part of the reason that I’m here. 但现在是好消息,这是我在这里的一部分原因。I just finished signing a Strategic Partnership Agreement with Afghanistan that signals the transition in which we are going to be turning over responsibility for Afghan security to the Afghans.我刚与阿富汗签订完战略合作协议,这标志着为了阿富汗安全,我们将责任移交给阿富汗。Were not going to do it overnight.我们不会一夜之间完成的。Were not going to do it irresponsibly. 我们不会去不负责任的去做。Were going to make sure that the gains, the hard-fought gains that have been made are preserved.我们要确保那确实行之有效,所取得的来之不易的成果被保留下来。But the reason were able to do that is because of you.但我们之所以能够这样做是因为你们。The reason that the Afghans have an opportunity for a new tomorrow is because of you. 阿富汗人有新的明天的机会是因为你们。And the reason America is safe is because of you. 美国安全的原因也是因为你们。We did not choose this war. This war came to us on 9/11.我们并没有主动选择这场战争。这场战争因9/11而起让我们无从选择。And there are a whole bunch of folks here, Ill bet, who signed up after 9/11. 还有一大堆人在这里,我打赌,是在9/11后入伍的。We dont go looking for a fight.我们不会去主动寻找战斗。But when we see our homeland violated, when we see our fellow citizens killed, then we understand what we have to do.但当我们看到我们的国家遭到亵渎,当我们看到我们的公民死亡,然后我们知道我们需要做什么。And because of the sacrifices now of a decade, and a new Greatest Generation, not only were we able to blunt the Taliban momentum, not only were we able to drive al Qaeda out of Afghanistan, but slowly and systematically we have been able to decimate the ranks of al Qaeda, and a year ago we were able to finally bring Osama bin Laden to justice.由于现在十多年的牺牲及一个新的伟大的一代,我们不仅能够削弱塔利班的势头,我们还能让“基地”组织离开阿富汗,但慢慢地、系统地我们已经能够削弱基地组织的的等级,而一年前我们还能够最终把奥萨马#8226;本#8226;拉登绳之以法。That could have only happened because each and every one of you, in your own way, were doing your jobs. 那些能够发生的唯一原因是你们每一个人,你们以自己的方式,做好属于你们自己的工作。Each and every one of you -- without a lot of fanfare, without a lot of fuss — you did your jobs. 你们每一个人——没有浮夸,没有抱怨,你们就是做你们的工作。No matter how small or how big, you were faithful to the oath that you took to protect this nation.不管多么渺小或是多么庞大,你都们忠于自己的誓言保护着这个国家。And your families did their job -- supporting you and loving you and remembering you and being there for you.你们的家庭也在做他们的工作——持你们,爱你们,将你们铭记在心并永远是你们的坚强后盾。And so, together, you guys represent what is best in America. 因此,一起,你们这些人代表着美国最好的。And youre part of a long line of those who have worn this uniform to make sure that we are free and secure, to make sure that those of us at home have the capacity to live our lives. 你们是那一长排人中穿这件制的一部分,确保着我们的自由和安全,确保这些人在家里有能力过我们的生活。And when youre missing a birthday or youre missing a soccer game or when youre missing an anniversary, and those of us back home are able to enjoy it, its because of you. 当你错过了一次生日,你错过一场足球比赛或你错过一次周年聚会,我们回家后就能够享受,而这些权因为你们。And Im here to tell you, everybody in America knows that. 我来这里是告诉你们,每个美国人都了解这些。And everybody in America appreciates it. 在美国,每个人都充满感激。And everybody in America honors it. 在美国,每个人都以此为荣。And when the final chapter of this war is written, historians will look back and say, not only was this the greatest fighting force in the history of the world, but all of you also represented the values of America in an exemplary way.当战争的最后一章被谱写,历史学家回顾并会言道: 在世界的历史长河中这不仅是最伟大的战斗力量,而且你们所有人也代表着美国价值观的一种模范方式。I could not be prouder of you.我可能不会因为是你们自己而感到那种自豪。And I want you to understand, I know its still tough.但我想让你们知道,我知道前方道路仍很艰难。I know the battle is not yet over. 我知道战斗尚未结束。Some of your buddies are going to get injured, and some of your buddies may get killed. 你们的一些朋友已经负伤, 你们的一些朋友已经为国捐躯。And there’s going to be heartbreak and pain and difficulty ahead.悲伤,痛苦和困难永远排在首位。But there’s a light on the horizon because of the sacrifices you’ve made. 因为你们已经做出的巨大的牺牲,在地平线上有一道亮光。And that’s the reason why for Michelle and me nothing is more important than looking after your families while you’re here. 那就是为什么米歇尔和我认为当你们在这里的时候照顾你们的家庭是更重要的原因。And I want everybody here to know that when you get home, we are going to be there for you when you’re in uniform and we will stay there for you when you’re out of uniform.我希望这里的每个人知道当你回家的时候, 当你穿着制时,我们将会守候你;当你脱下制时,我们仍然将在那里守候你。Because you’ve earned it; you earned a special place in our hearts.为你们当之无愧,你们在我们心中处于一个特别的位置。And I could not be prouder to be your Commander-in-Chief.我可能不会因为是你们的总司令而感到那种骄傲。God bless you, and God bless the ed States of America. 上帝保佑你们,上帝保佑美利坚合众国。Now I want to shake some hands. 现在我想要跟诸位将士们握握手。201206/186160湖州曙光整形美容医院治疗粉刺怎么样 REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTAFTER ROUNDTABLE WITH BUSINESS LEADERS TODISCUSS EMPLOYER HEALTH CARE COSTS Roosevelt Room12:23 P.M. EDTTHE PRESIDENT: Hello, everybody. We just had a wonderful conversation that is a corollary to the discussion that I had yesterday. And you may be seeing a theme, this was -- we're doing some stuff on health care because I think the country is geared up, businesses are geared up, families are geared up, to go ahead and start solving some of our extraordinary health care system problems.Yesterday we focused a lot on cost. One element of cost is that where companies are able to take initiatives to make their employees healthier, to give them incentives and mechanisms to improve their wellness and to prevent disease, companies see their bottom lines improve.And so what we've done is to gather together a group today -- some of the best practitioners of prevention and wellness, wellness programs -- in the private sector. You have companies like Safeway that have been able to hold their costs flat for their employees at a time when other companies are seeing double-digit inflation in their health care.You've got terrific innovations at companies like Microsoft, where they actually have used home visits of doctors to reduce the utilization of emergency room care and are saving themselves millions of dollars.We've got the Hotel Employees Union that has been taking data and working individually with providers as well as their membership, working with the employer and the employee as well as the providers, and seeing huge reductions in some of the costs related to chronic illnesses.Johnson amp; Johnson has been a leader in this area since 1978. Pitney Bowes has been taking similar approaches and seeing millions of dollars in savings to their bottom line. The Ohio Department of Public Health has been doing terrific work with respect to their state employees as well as sping the message across the state.And then REI, which has to be fit since they're a fitness company -- (laughter) -- has been doing work that allows them to provide health care coverage, health insurance, not only to their full-time employees but also their part-time employees. Every single employee is covered, but part of the reason they're able to do it is because they put a big emphasis on prevention and wellness.So what we've done here today is to gather together some of these stories and best practices to make sure that they are going to be informing the health care reform discussions that take place here in Washington. There's no quick fix, there's no silver bullet. When you hear what Safeway or Johnson amp; Johnson or any of these other companies have done, what you've seen is sustained experimentation over many years and a shift in incentive structures so that employees see concrete benefits as a consequence of them stopping smoking or losing weight or getting exercise, working with providers -- the provider incentives are aligned with the employee incentives as well, and changing the culture of a company.Now, if we can do that in individual companies, there's no reason why we can't do that for a country as a whole. Part of what we want to do here, starting here today is to lift up these best practices so other companies can identify and potentially implement them; but also to make sure that when we think about how we're going to reform the health care system as a whole, when we think about things like Medicare and Medicaid reimbursements, when we think about how we can make the system more efficient, that we're not just doing this in the abstract, but we're actually taking proven measures that have been applied in the private sector and seeing how we can apply those, for example, to federal employees and our employee health care system. All this designed to save taxpayers money, save businesses money and ultimately make the American people healthier and happier and make sure that we're getting a better bang for our health care dollar.So it's been a terrific conversation. This will be a part of the ongoing process that we're developing over the next several months and I appreciate all of you for participating in a wonderful conversation.All right. Thank you, guys.END 12:29 P.M. EDT05/69670长兴县人民医院开双眼皮多少钱

湖州打美白针一针多少钱Franklin Delano Roosevelt:The Four FreedomsDelivered6 January,1941AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED:Textversion belowtranscribeddirectlyfromaudioMr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77 th Congress:I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a momentunprecedented in the historyof the union. I use the word ;unprecedented; because at no previous time has Americansecurity been as seriously threatened from without as itis today.Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitutionin 1789, most of theperiods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only oneof these thefouryearwar between the States everthreatened our nationalunity.Today, thank God, 130,000,000Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compassin our national unity.Itis true that prior to 1914 the ed States oftenhas been disturbed by events in othercontinents. We have even engaged in two warswithEuropeannations and in a number ofundeclared wars inthe WestIndies, inthe Mediterranean and inthe Pacific, for themaintenance of American rights and for the principles of peacefulcommerce. But in no casehad a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.WhatI seek to convey is the historic truththat the ed States as a nationhas at all timesmaintained opposition clear,definite opposition toany attemptto lock us in behind anancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of ourchildren and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other partof the Americas.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page1AmericanRhetoric.comThat determination of ours, extending over allthese years, was proved,for example, in theearly days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While theNapoleonic struggles did threateninterests of the ed States because of the Frenchfoothold in the WestIndies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in theWar of 1812 tovindicate our right to peacefultrade,it is nevertheless clear thatneither France nor GreatBritainnor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 ninetynineyears nosingle war in Europe or inAsia constituted a real threat against our futureor against the future of any other Americannation.Except inthe Maximilian interlude in Mexico, noforeign power sought toestablish itself in thishemisphere. And the strength of the Britishfleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength. itis still a friendly strength.Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed tocontain only smallthreat of dangerto our ownAmericanfuture. But as time went on, as we remember, the American peoplebegan to visualize whatthe downfall of democratic nations mightmean to our owndemocracy.We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp onfailure of the democracies to deal withproblems of world reconstruction. We should rememberthatthe peace of 1919 was far less unjust thanthe kind of pacification whichbegan evenbefore Munich, and whichis being carried onunder the new order of tyranny that seeks tosp over every continent today. The American people have unalterably settheir facesagainstthat tyranny.I suppose that every realist knows thatthe democratic way of life is atthis moment beingdirectly assailed in every part of the world assailedeither by arms or by secret sping ofpoisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discordin nations thatare still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted outthe whole pattern ofdemocratic life in an appalling number of independentnations, great and small. And theassailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to;give tothe Congressinformation of the state of the union,;Ifind it unhappily necessary to reportthatthe futureand the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events farbeyond our borders.Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged infour continents. Ifthat defense fails, all the population and all theresources of Europe and Asia, and Africa andAustralAsiawill be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of thosepopulations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatlyexceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the WesternHemisphere yes,many times over.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page2AmericanRhetoric.comIntimes like these it is immature and,incidentally, untrue foranybody to brag that anunprepared America, singlehandedand with one hand tied behind its back, canhold off thewhole world.No realistic American can expect from a dictatorrsquo;s peace international generosity, or return oftrue independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion oreven good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors.Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserveneither liberty nor safety.As a nation we may take pride inthe factthat we are softhearted.but we cannot afford to besoftheaded.We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinklingcymbal preach the ;ism; of appeasement. We mustespecially beware of that small group ofselfishmen who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order tofeather their ownnests.I have recently pointed outhow quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into ourverymidst the physical attack which we must eventually expectif the dictator nations win thiswar.There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and directinvasionfrom across theseas.Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Evenifthere were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enoughtoattack us by landing troops inthe ed Statesfrom across thousands of miles of ocean, untilit had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.But we learnmuch from the lessons of the pastyears inEurope particularlythe lesson ofNorway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over aseries of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing ofregular troops.The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and bytheir dupes andgreatnumbers of them are aly here and in LatinAmerica. As long asthe aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the placeand the method of their attack.And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.That iswhy this annual messagetothe Congress is unique in our history. That is why every memberof the executive branch of the government andevery member of the Congress face greatresponsibility, great accountability. The need ofthe momentis that our actions and our policyshould be devoted primarily almostexclusively tomeeting this foreign peril. For all ourdomestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.Just as our national policy ininternal affairs has been based upon a decentrespectfor therights and the dignity of all our fellowmen within our gates, so our national policy in foreignaffairs has been based on a decent respectfor the rights and the dignity of all nations, largeand small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page3AmericanRhetoric.comOur national policy is this:First, by an impressive expression of the publicwill and without regard to partisanship, we arecommitted to allinclusivenational defense.Secondly, by animpressive expression of the public will and without regard topartisanship,we are committed to full support of allthose resolute people everywhere who are resistingaggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. Bythis support weexpress our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen thedefense and the security of our ownnation.Third, by an impressive expression of the publicwill and without regard to partisanship, weare committed to the proposition that principlesof morality and considerations for our ownsecurity willnever permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored byappeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought atthe cost of other peoplesfreedom.Inthe recent national election there was no substantial difference betweenthe two greatparties in respectto that national policy. Noissue was fought out on this line before theAmerican electorate.And today itis abundantly evidentthatAmerican citizens everywhereare demanding and supporting speedy and complete actionin recognition of obvious danger.Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.Leaders of industry and labor have respondedto our summons. Goals of speed have beenset. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. Insome cases we are onschedule. inother cases there are slight butnot serious delays. And in some cases and,Iam sorry to say,very important cases weare all concerned by the slowness of theaccomplishment of our plans.The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year.Actualexperience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passingday. And todays best is not good enoughfor tomorrow.I am not satisfied withthe progress thus far made. The men in charge of the programrepresent the bestin training,in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied withtheprogress thus far made.None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.No matter whether the original goal was settoo high or too low, our objective is quicker andbetter results.To give youtwo illustrations:We are behind schedule in turning outfinished airplanes.We are working day and nighttosolve the innumerable problems and tocatchup.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page4AmericanRhetoric.comWe are ahead of schedule in building warships,but we are working to geteven further aheadof that schedule.To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to abasis of wartime production of implements of war is nosmall task. And the greatest difficultycomes atthe beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assemblylines, new shipways mustfirst be constructed before the actual material begins to flowsteadily and speedily from them.The Congress of course, mustrightly keep itselfinformed at alltimes of the progress of theprogram. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will ily recognize,which, in the interests of our ownsecurity and those of the nations that we are supporting,must of needs be kept in confidence.New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. Ishall ask thisCongress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what wehave begun.I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient tomanufacture additionalmunitions and war supplies of many kinds,to be turned over tothose nations which are nowin actual war with aggressor nations. Our mostuseful and immediate role is to act as anarsenalfor them as well as for ourselves. They do notneed manpower, but they doneedbillions of dollarsrsquo; worth of the weapons of defense.The time is near whenthey willnot be able to pay for them allin y cash. We cannot, andwe willnot, tell them thatthey mustsurrendermerely because of presentinability to pay forthe weapons which we know they musthave.I donot recommend that we make them a loanof dollars with which to pay for these weaponsaloanto be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations tocontinue to obtain war materials in the ed States, fitting their orders into our ownprogram. And nearly all of their material would,if the time ever came, be usefulin our owndefense.Taking counsel of expertmilitary and naval authorities, considering whatis best for our ownsecurity, we are free todecide how much should be kept here and how much should be sentabroad to our friends who, by their determinedand heroic resistance, are giving us time inwhichtomake y our own defense.For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following theclose of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kindswhichthey can produce and which we need.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page5AmericanRhetoric.comLetus say to the democracies: ;We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense offreedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to giveyouthe strengthto regain and maintain a free world. We shallsend youin everincreasingnumbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. Thatis our purpose and our pledge.;Infulfillment of this purpose we willnot be intimidated by the threats of dictators thattheywill regard as a breach of internationallaw or as an act of war our aid tothe democracieswhich dare to resisttheir aggression. Such aid Suchaid is not an act of war, evenif adictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.And whenthe dictators ifthe dictators arey to make war uponus, they willnot waitfor an act of war on our part.They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Theironly interestis in a new onewayinternational law, whichlacks mutuality in its observanceand therefore becomes aninstrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations ofAmericans may well depend on how effective and howimmediate we canmake our aidfelt. No one cantellthe exact character of the emergency situations that we may be calledupontomeet. The nations hands mustnot be tied whenthe nations life is in danger.Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, tomake the sacrifices that the emergency almostas serious as war itself demands.Whatever stands in the way of speed andefficiency in defense, in defense preparations ofanykind,mustgive way tothe nationalneed.A free nation has the rightto expect full cooperation from all groups.A free nationhas therighttolook tothe leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the leadinstimulating effort, not among other groups butwithintheir own group.The best way of dealing withthe few slackers or troublemakersin our midstis, first, toshame them by patriotic example, and if thatfails, to use the sovereignty of governmenttosave government.Asmen donotlive by b alone,they donot fight by armaments alone.Those who man ourdefenses and those behind them who build ourdefenses musthave the stamina and thecourage which come from unshakable belief inthe manner of life which they aredefending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all thethings worth fighting for.The nationtakes great satisfaction and much strengthfrom the things which have been doneto make its people conscious of their individual stake inthe preservation of democratic life inAmerica.Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith andstrengthened their devotiontothe institutions we make y to protect.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page6AmericanRhetoric.comCertainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problemswhich are the rootcause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in theworld. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strongdemocracy.The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems aresimple.They are:Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.Jobs for those who can work.Security for those who need it.The ending of special privilege for the few.The preservation of civilliberties for all.The enjoyment Theenjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantlyrising standard of living.These are the simple, the basic things thatmust never be lostsight of in the turmoil andunbelievable complexity of our modern world.The inner and abiding strength of our economicand politicalsystems is dependentupon the degree to whichthey fulfillthese expectations.Manysubjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. Asexamples:We should bring more citizens under the coverage of oldagepensions and unemploymentinsurance.We should widenthe opportunities for adequatemedicalcare.We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employmentmay obtainit.I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost allAmericans to respond tothat call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more moneyin taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defenseprogram be paid for from taxationthan we are paying for today. No person should try, or beallowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance withability to pay should be constantly before our eyes toguide our legislation.If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks,will give you their applause.Transcription byMichaelE. Eidenmuller. Propertyof AmericanRhetoric.com. . Copyright 2006. All rights reserved.Page7AmericanRhetoric.comInthe future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world foundeduponfour essentialhuman freedoms.The first is freedom of speech and expression everywherein the world.Thesecond is freedom of every persontoworship God inhis ownwayeverywhereintheworld.The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economicunderstandings which will secure toevery nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants everywherein the world.The fourthis freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a worldwidereduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashionthat nonation will bein a positionto commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor anywherein theworld.That is no vision of a distantmillennium. Itis adefinite basis for a kind of world attainable inour own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the socalled;neworder; of tyranny which the dictators seek to create withthe crash of a bomb.To that new order we oppose the greater conception themoral order. A good society is ableto face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.Since the beginning of our American history wehave been engagedin change, in a perpetual,peaceful revolution, arevolution which goes onsteadily, quietly, adjusting itself tochangingconditions withoutthe concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order whichwe seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.This nation has placedits destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free menand women, and its faithin freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means thesupremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes tothose who struggle to gain thoserights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.To that high concept there can be no end save victory. /201205/182144 I shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend,but none to enforce against the will of the people.我将就各个问题上提出可行的政策,它们无一逆于人民意愿。Laws are to govern all alike those opposed as well as those who favor them.法律施行于所有的人——反对者及其赞同者,I know no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their stringent execution.我无法确保消除这些可恶的法律,因为它们正在严格地施行。The country having just emerged from a great rebellion,这个国家刚刚从一场巨大的动乱中崛起。many questions will come before it for settlement in the next four years which preceding Administrations have never had to deal with.今年4年,许多历届政府从未遇到过的问题将接踵而来。In meeting these it is desirable that they should be approached calmly,without prejudice,hate,or sectional pride,面对这些问题,我们应该冷静对待,不怀偏见,仇恨和地区优越感,remembering that the greatest good to the greatest number is the object to be attained.随时记住我们的目标是为最大多数人谋最大利益。This requires security of person,property,这就要求全国各地普遍地确保人身、财产的安全,and free religious and political opinion in every part of our common country,without regard to local prejudice.宗教信仰与发表政见的自由,摈弃地域偏见,All laws to secure these ends will receive my best efforts for their enforcement.我将全力履行旨在实现这些目标的一切法律。When we compare the paying capacity of the country now,在衡量国家的偿还能力时,with the ten States in poverty from the effects of war,but soon to emerge,I trust,我们看到由于战争的结果,有10个州今天仍处于贫困之中。into greater prosperity than ever before,with its paying capacity twenty five years ago,但我坚信,经济很快就会比过去任何时候都繁荣。把我们现在的偿付能力和25年前相比,and calculate what it probably will be twenty five years hence,并计算25年后的偿付能力,who can doubt the feasibility of paying every dollar then with more ease than we now pay for useless luxuries?谁还会怀疑那时我们付每一美元将比我们现在付款购买无益的奢侈品更加容易呢?Why,it looks as though Providence had bestowed upon us a strong box in the precious metals locked up in the sterile mountains of the far West,这是肯定的,上帝赐给了我们一个坚固的金箱,它被深藏在遥远的西部荒山中,and which we are now forging the key to unlock,to meet the very contingency that is now upon us.而现在我们正在打造一把开启金箱的钥匙,以应付当前的困境。Ultimately it may be necessary to insure the facilities to reach these riches ,总之,为了获得这些宝藏,必须保必要的手段,and it may be necessary also that the General Government should give its aid to secure this access;同时必须得到联邦政府的帮助。but that should only be when a dollar of obligation to pay secures precisely the same sort of dollar to use now,and not before.但是,必须保偿还的每一美元与当前使用的美元等值,而不是以前的价值。Whilst the question of specie payments is in abeyance the prudent business man is careful about contracting debts payable in the distant future.以硬币偿付的问题尚未解决,谨慎的商人正小心地处理须经长期偿付的债务。The nation should follow the same rule.国家也应当遵循这样的原则。A prostrate commerce is to be rebuilt and all industries encouraged.我们将重建不景气的商业,振兴所有的工业。02/83307长兴县泗安皮肤病防治站丰胸多少钱湖州市第三人民医院打溶脂针多少钱

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