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长兴县泗安皮肤病防治站做丰胸手术多少钱湖州有没有看狐臭的医院啊湖州激光脱毛价格表 China plans to scrap its state monopoly on the sale of salt, marking the end of a system with nearly 2,700 years of history. The move is intended to bolster competition, the Beijing Youth Daily reported, citing the Ministry of Industry and Information Technology.中国计划取消盐业专营,这标志着一个已有近2700年历史的制度的终结。《北京青年报》援引工业和信息技术部的话称,此举是为了促进竞争。China’s economic planners have tried for years to eliminate the monopoly, but faced opposition from the China National Salt Industry Corporation, the state-owned agency that controls salt distribution, and from consumers concerned about prices and food safety.中国的经济规划者数年来一直试图取消盐业专营制度,但遭到控制盐类分销的国有企业中国盐业公司及担心物价及食品安全的消费者的反对。A monopoly on salt production was introduced as early as 685 B.C. in the state of Qi on the Shandong Peninsula, though it may have existed even earlier than that, the scholar Rowan K. Flad writes in “Salt Production and Social Hierarchy in Ancient China.”学者傅罗文(Rowan K. Flad)在《古代中国的盐业生产和社会等级》(Salt Production and Social Hierarchy in Ancient China)一书中写道,早在公元前685年,山东半岛的齐国就开始对盐业生产进行垄断,但这种制度或许出现得更早。Under the system, the government designated who could produce salt, and the shipping of salt outside authorized districts was banned. The salt trade was long a significant source of revenue for the state, and helped provide revenue and pay for troops in far-flung outposts of the Chinese empire.在这种制度下,政府指定盐类生产商,禁止将盐运送至授权地区之外的地方。盐类贸易长期以来一直是政府的重要收入来源,在一定程度上带来收益,为中华帝国偏远前哨的士兵提供军饷。As China has industrialized, the contribution of the salt monopoly to overall tax revenues has greatly diminished, but it has still served important functions. As recently as the mid-1990s, China experienced widesp problems of preventable developmental disabilities because of a lack of iodine in children’s food supply. In 1995, the country mandated that edible salt be iodized to reduce the problem, and the salt monopoly was used to enforce that rule.随着中国实现工业化,盐业专营制度对总税收的贡献大幅减少,但仍然发挥重要作用。最近,也就是在1990年代中期,由于儿童食用的食物缺乏碘,中国出现了广泛的可预防的发育性残疾问题。1995年,中国下令生产加碘盐,以减轻这一问题,政府利用了盐业专营制度来实施该规定。Studies have found a significant reduction in levels of iodine deficiency since the requirement was put in place.研究发现,自实施上述规定以来,缺碘水平大幅降低。Consumers have long complained about efforts to end the salt monopoly. When a proposal was put forward to eliminate the system in 2009, the central government backed down in the face of online opinion surveys that showed a majority of respondents wanted the government controls to remain in place, the China scholar James Reilly wrote in his 2011 book “Strong Society, Smart State.” Those concerns have revived again, as online comments have raised concerns about the inclusion of toxic industrial salts being mixed with edible salt, the magazine Foreign Policy has noted.消费者长期以来一直反对终结盐业专营制度的举措。中国问题学者詹姆斯·赖利(James Reilly)在2011年出版的《强大的社会,聪明的国家》(Strong Society, Smart State)一书中写道,相关机构在2009年提议取消专营制度,但网络调查显示,大多数参与调查的人希望政府继续控制,中央政府最终放弃这一提案。《外交政策》(Foreign Policy)杂志指出,随着一些网络引起人们对有毒工业用盐与食盐混杂在一起的现象的关注,这种担心再次出现。Some scholars have argued that the state monopoly system actually contributed to the phenomenon of tainted salt, and that overhauling the system while enforcing food quality laws should help improve safety. In a 2010 paper, Sun Jin, Fan Zhou and Qin Li of Wuhan University noted that the monopoly meant that the price consumers paid for salt was three to four times higher than the price the China National Salt Industry Corporation paid for salt from authorized producers.一些学者曾辩称,国家垄断制度实际上在一定程度上造成了食盐遭到污染的现象,在改革制度的同时实施食品质量法律应该有助于提高安全性。在2010年的一篇论文中,武汉大学的孙晋、范舟、秦丽指出,食盐专营意味着,市场上的盐价比中国盐业公司从授权生产商手中收购的价格高出两到三倍。While the average consumer does not feel the price difference because salt makes up such a small portion of a typical grocery bill, the markup supports a vast and pernicious underground market, the authors wrote. Such salt often does not contain iodine and can have harmful impurities, they noted.这些作者写道,虽然由于食盐在平时的杂货开销中所占比例较小,普通消费者没有感觉到价格差别,但这种利润撑着一个规模庞大的、有害的地下市场。他们指出,这种食盐通常不含碘,可能含有有害杂质。Likewise, the hefty profits create ample incentive for corruption, as companies within the system try to maintain their protected position, the Wuhan University scholars wrote.武汉大学的学者写道,丰厚的利润同样也带来了足够的腐败动机,该体制中的企业设法维护它们的特权地位。“Because of legislative omissions and gaps in enforcement, salt monopoly has led to rent seeking, hidden food safety dangers and other forms of malpractice,” they wrote. “Reforming the monopoly should help reduce these behaviors.”“由于现实立法的缺漏,导致盐业公司合法垄断变异,带来权力寻租和食盐安全隐患等弊端,”他们写道,“应进行食盐体制改革,以化解这种行为。” /201411/344940Last week I watched a that made me wince in horror. It showed a black teenager from the Bronx, Kalief Browder, being savagely beaten by prison officers and fellow inmates at Rikers Island prison in New York. That footage, captured by the prison’s surveillance system, was bad enough. Even more chilling was the backstory, revealed by a haunting piece of investigative reporting in The New Yorker magazine last year: Browder was in prison because, at the age of 16, he was accused of stealing a backpack and detained.我不久前看了一个让人不寒而栗的视频。视频上,来自布朗克斯区(Bronx)的黑人少年卡利夫#8226;布劳德(Kalief Browder)在纽约赖克斯岛(Rikers Island)监狱遭到狱警和其他犯人的毒打。这段由监狱监控系统拍摄下来的影像已经足够触目惊心,更让人感到遍体生寒的是《纽约客》(The New Yorker)杂志去年刊载的一篇让人过目难忘的调查性报道揭露出来的幕后故事:布劳德之所以入狱,是因为他在16岁时被指控偷窃一个背包并遭到拘留。As it happens, in 2013 he was released having been deemed innocent. But that verdict was reached only after he had been in prison for three years, waiting for his day in court, a victim of a justice system whose wheels can grind extremely slowly, particularly for anyone who is poor. (Browder’s family was unable to afford the ,000 bail to release him.)结果他在2013年被无罪释放。但这一裁决到来之前,为了等待上庭,布劳德已经在监狱中度过了3年。司法体系处理案件的进度可能异常缓慢,尤其是对穷人来说,布劳德正是这一体系的受害者(他的家人付不起3000美元的保释金)。During his long confinement, Browder was badly mistreated because he repeatedly rebelled and proclaimed his innocence. This left terrible scars. So much so that last week, tragically, the 22-year-old Browder committed suicide, prompting The New Yorker and others to reprise the shameful tale and re-release the Rikers surveillance footage.在布劳德漫长的监禁中,因为多次反抗并声称自己是无辜的,他遭到了残酷的对待。这给他留下了极为严重的创伤,以至于22岁的布劳德最终于本月自杀身亡。这一悲剧促使《纽约客》和其他人重新提起这个可耻的故事,并再次公开赖克斯岛监狱的监控视频。The story is horrifying on many levels. Back in the days when I was a reporter in the Soviet Union, Americans would howl in outrage at the idea that Soviet citizens could be tossed into prison for months on end without trial. Browder’s tale, however, shows that it remains a struggle to protect human rights within America’s own shores — even in a prison that lies a few short miles from some of the most gilded and liberal neighbourhoods of New York.从很多方面来说,这都是一个骇人的故事。在我还在前苏联地区做记者的时候,对于未经审讯的苏联公民可能被投入监狱长达数月,美国人会予以愤怒的呼喊。然而,布劳德的故事表明,就在美国国内,保护人权依然是一场艰苦卓绝的斗争——哪怕是在距离纽约最富裕、最自由的街区短短几英里之外的一所监狱里也是这样。While it would be nice to think (or hope) that the mistreatment at Rikers was extreme, criminal-justice activists insist that Browder’s tragedy was far from an isolated case — and neither was his demographic profile. Today, around 40 per cent of the more than 2 million inmates of American prisons are black, though they represent just 13 per cent of the American public. On current statistical trends, more than a quarter of all American black men can expect to enter prison at some point during their lifetime, due to a pernicious combination of poverty, inadequate education, joblessness, racism — and a Kafkaesque legal bureaucracy that often leaves poor people vulnerable to endless delays and mistakes.我们或许能够自我安慰地认为(或者希望)赖克斯岛监狱中发生的暴行是极端事件,但关注司法公正的活动人士坚称,布劳德的悲剧远非个案——从他的人口特征来说也并非如此。今天,尽管黑人只占美国总人口的13%,美国监狱中逾200万入狱者中约40%是黑人。从目前的统计趋势来看,贫困、教育水平低下、无业、种族主义及卡夫卡式法律官僚机构(经常让穷人遭受无休止的延迟和失误)共同造成的恶性影响,预计将使超过四分之一的美国黑人在一生中的某个时间点入狱。Amid this shameful litany, however, there is a tiny point of light. For what the Browder tale also reminds us is that investigative journalism is not just alive and well in America and elsewhere today but has as powerful a role as ever to play in making the world a little better (or at least, less bad).然而,在这可耻的一长串问题中,有一个小小的闪光点。布劳德的故事告诉我们,调查性新闻不仅在美国和其他地方保有鲜活的生命力,而且一如既往地在使世界变得更好一点(或者至少,变得不那么糟糕)方面起到强大的作用。Yes, I know that it might seem self-interested for me, an FT journalist, to point this out. But it is still worth shouting about. After all, there is a widesp perception these days that the traditional media are in terminal decline, unable to compete in a world where kittens and Kardashians dominate social media and the rest of cyberspace. But, as Michael Wolff insists in his provocative new book Television Is the New Television, the reality of modern media is far more nuanced than the cliché presumes. Yes, the Kardashians grab endless attention. But media formats that seemed to be heading for extinction a few years ago — such as television — are still flourishing too.是的,我知道身为英国《金融时报》记者指出这一点或许像是一种自利行为。但这依然值得大声宣扬。毕竟,近来普遍的看法是传统媒体正走向末路,无法在一个小猫和卡戴珊家族(Kardashian)风行社交媒体和其他网络空间的世界竞争。但就如迈克尔#8226;沃尔夫(Michael Wolff)在其引起争议的新作《Television Is the New Television》中坚持的观点,现代媒体的现实远比老生常谈的观点要微妙得多。的确,卡戴珊家族无休止地攫取着人们的注意力。但几年前看似即将走向灭亡的媒体形式——比如电视——至今依然在繁荣发展。.#8201;.#8201;..#8201;.#8201;.So is investigative journalism (albeit not in such a commercially successful manner as television shows). Today, there are certainly fewer mainstream newspapers running big investigative reporting teams but non-profits have sprung up instead: to cite just one example, Bill Keller, the former editor of The New York Times, now heads the Marshall Project, a non-profit organisation focused on the criminal justice system. And investigations are still being carried out by the traditional platforms, be that The New York Times, the FT — or, as in this case, The New Yorker.调查性新闻也是如此(尽管不像电视节目那样享受着商业上的成功)。今天,拥有大规模调查性报道团队的主流报纸的确减少了,但非营利性组织的兴起填补了其中的空缺:仅举一例,《纽约时报》(The New York Times)原主编比尔#8226;凯勒(Bill Keller)现在是致力于司法公正的非营利性组织Marshall Project的负责人。传统的平台也依然在进行调查——可能是《纽约时报》、英国《金融时报》,或者披露布劳德故事的《纽约客》。Of course, as a cynic might comment, it is a crying shame that it took the horrible tale of Browder to stir debate about the prison system. It is even more lamentable that reforms remain piecemeal. Although The New Yorker report helped to prod New York mayor Bill de Blasio into announcing new oversight of Rikers and changes in justice protocols, accounts of abuse continue apace.当然,愤世嫉俗的人或许会,利用布劳德骇人听闻的故事激起关于监狱系统的辩论简直是可悲。但更加可悲的是改革依然只是零敲碎打。尽管《纽约客》的报道促使纽约市长比尔#8226;德布拉西奥(Bill de Blasio)宣布对赖克斯岛监狱采取新的监督措施,并修改司法条例,有关监狱虐待的报道依然层出不穷。The fact is, however, that if The New Yorker had never written about Browder’s tragic tale — and disseminated that shocking surveillance footage — few people would have known about the horrors happening on Rikers Island. That’s worth remembering this week, not least because it prompts another question: how many more Browders are still rotting in American jails; and what might we see if we could all watch those prison surveillance cameras? Or if a philanthropist were to give every prisoner a -equipped smartphone?然而,事实是如果《纽约客》永远没有报道布劳德的悲剧——并发布那段令人震惊的监控影像——几乎没人会获知赖克斯岛监狱上演的恐怖场景。这一点值得铭记,尤其是因为它引出了另一个问题:还有多少布劳德在美国的监狱里遭受折磨?如果我们能看到所有的监狱监控摄像头,我们会看到什么?或者如果有个慈善家给每个囚犯一部带摄像头的智能手机,我们又会看到什么? /201506/382349湖州中心医院做祛疤手术多少钱

湖州安吉县开眼角手术要多少钱湖州祛痣多少钱 In an announcement to the Tokyo Stock Exchange on Tuesday, Japan’s NSK Ltd said the National Development and Reform Commission had ordered it to pay a penalty of Rmb174.9m (.5m) for violations of China’s Anti-Monopoly Law. The company, which makes bearings and other car components, was the first to confirm it has been fined by the NDRC for alleged antitrust infractions.日本精工株式会社(NSK Ltd)周二向东京交所(Tokyo Stock Exchange)宣布称,中国国家发改委(NDRC)命令其缴纳罚款1.749亿元人民币(合2850万美元),原因是违反中国反垄断法。这家生产轴承等汽车配件的公司,是第一家实自己因涉嫌违反中国反垄断法而被国家发改委罚款的公司。Another Japanese components manufacturer, NTN Corp, also said on Tuesday that it had been told to pay Rmb119.2m as part of the NDRC investigation.另一家日本汽车配件生产商恩梯恩(NTN Corp)周二也表示,其也因为中国国家发改委的调查,被通知缴纳罚款1.192亿元人民币。“Following an internal investigation into the alleged conduct, NSK has been fully co-operating with the NDRC’s investigation into sales of bearings in China,” NSK said. “We express our sincere regret for the concern this matter has caused our shareholders [and] customers.”精工株式会社表示:“对涉嫌违法行为自查之后,我们一直在全力配合中国国家发改委对我们在中国市场销售轴承的调查。对于此事对我们的股东(和)客户造成的担忧,我们表示诚挚的歉意。”The company added that it had not yet determined if the fine would force a revision of its business forecasts for the current financial year.该公司补充称,其尚未确定此罚款是否将迫使其修订对本财年业绩的预测。Multinational car executives have been bracing for the full results of the NDRC’s investigation, which they expect to be announced as soon as this week.跨国汽车企业已经准备好承受中国发改委的调查,调查结果最早将在本周公布。NSK’s penalty is the third-highest ever assessed by the NDRC. NSK’s penalty is also the first substantial antitrust fine paid in China by a Japanese company.中国国家发改委对精工株式会社开出了有史以来数额第三高的罚单。这也是一家日本公司在中国付的第一笔大额反垄断罚款。Some analysts have argued that while the NDRC’s auto industry investigation will benefit consumers by lowering prices for both vehicles and spare parts, it will also pose challenges for Chinese car brands that have been losing market share to imports and foreign-invested joint ventures.有分析师认为,中国发改委对汽车行业的调查会让消费者受益,汽车以及零部件的价格会降低,但同时也会对中国本土的汽车品牌构成挑战。这些本土品牌本已在同进口品牌和外资合作品牌的竞争中失去了市场竞争力。“Imported and joint-venture cars do enjoy high margins, but the anti-monopoly investigation will further drag down prices and put even more pressure on Chinese car companies,” said Wang Liusheng, automotive analyst at China Merchants Securities.中国招商券汽车业分析师汪刘胜表示:“进口和合资的汽车的确在中国市场收益很高,但是反垄断调查将进一步拉低汽车价格,这会对中国本土的汽车公司造成更大压力。” /201408/322676湖州怎么样脱胡子

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