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湖州那家医院割双眼皮割的最好飞度云乐园

2019年02月16日 08:13:36 | 作者:龙马专家 | 来源:新华社

The American government made no secret of the fact that it had rounded up Japanese residents of this country, even if they had been born here, and kept them in detention camps during World War II. At first glance, “The Train to Crystal City” appears to be about some version of that story, since the people depicted on its cover are Asian and some are being transported somewhere. But the facts Jan Jarboe Russell has unveiled are much thornier, more complex and terrible. The tale they tell is almost more than her mind-boggling but awkwardly organized book can handle.美国政府从不讳言“二战”期间曾经集中美国的日本居民,把他们关进拘留营的事实——即使这些居民是在美国出生。乍一看,《开往克里斯特尔城的火车》(The Train to Crystal City)似乎同样讲述了这个故事,因为封面上的人物是亚洲人,有些正被送往别处。但是简·贾·拉塞尔(Jan Jarboe Russell)在本书中揭露的事实更棘手、更复杂、更可怕。这本书发人深省,但却有失条理,几乎已经无法驾驭书中人物们所讲述的故事。Forty years ago, as an undergraduate at the University of Texas at Austin, she was first told by a Japanese-American professor about the family internment camp at Crystal City, in southwestern Texas. During and after the war, it housed not only Japanese “detainees,” who were for all practical purposes prisoners, but also many Germans and a few Italians. The Germans loom large in this book, but the Italians play virtually no role.40年前,拉塞尔在得克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校读本科时,第一次听一位日裔美国教授讲起得克萨斯州西南部克里斯特尔城的家庭俘虏收容所。“二战”期间和战后,这里不仅关押着日裔“政治犯”——他们实际上被当作囚犯对待——还关押着很多德裔和几个意大利裔人。这本书突出讲述了那些德裔的故事,但是几乎没提那几个意大利人。Over time she learned that here were also people of Japanese descent who had been secretly kidnapped. At the request of the Roosevelt administration, the Japanese had also been spirited away from cooperating Latin American countries, with an especially large contingent from Peru. Many spoke neither Japanese nor English and had no connection to the ed States. They were being held not as spies but for a more covert purpose: to be used as chits in a hostage exchange program once the war was over.后来她得知,这里还有一些被秘密绑架的日裔。应罗斯福政府要求,一些与美国合作的拉美国家偷偷拐走了一些日裔,从秘鲁绑架的人数尤为众多。这些人中,很多人既不会说日语,也不会说英语,与美国没有任何关系。他们不是作为间谍被拘留,而是为了一个更隐秘的目的:用作战后人质交换的筹码。Perhaps Ms. Russell’s jaw dropped as she got wind of each new part of this. Yours certainly will. But she has doggedly captured the awful intricacies that such a plan wrought, not only on the people who were uprooted but on the officials charged with handling them. No one had given much thought to how Crystal City would mix such different population groups; to how pro-Nazi Germans would get along with American citizens of German descent who identified as Germany’s enemies; to Japanese households who could not find any of the staples of their diet in this particular snake-and-scorpion-rich Texas region. Even the plan to enable tofu-making in Texas, at a time when it was hardly possible to order supplies from Japan, provides Ms. Russell with an interesting little story.拉塞尔每听到一个新情况,可能都会惊得瞠目结舌。你肯定也是这种反应。不过,她还是顽强地描述了这个计划造成的可怕的、复杂的影响——不仅是对那些被迫背井离乡的人,还包括对那些负责处理他们的官员。没人细想过,克里斯特尔城如何融合这些背景如此不同的人;持纳粹的德国人如何与以德国为敌的德裔美国人相处;得克萨斯州的这个地区蛇蝎横行,日本家庭找不到自己饮食中的任何主要食材。当时,从日本订购供给品几乎是不可能的,所以出现了一个让得克萨斯州能做豆腐的计划,这也给拉塞尔提供了一个有趣的小故事。She got much of her information from more than 50 surviving Crystal City prisoners whose memories she tapped. This was a place for families, after all. And even though the primary detainee was usually a man, his wife and children willingly went with him — if they could even learn where he had been taken. The book tells of men who were seized in the days after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, and the long months and years it took for their families to find out if they were dead or alive, let alone learn where they had been relocated. Many interviewees provide child’s-eye descriptions of what the long, strange journey to their unknown new home was like.她的很多信息来自在世的50多名克里斯特尔城囚犯,她打开了他们记忆的闸门。毕竟,那是一个拘留家庭的地方。尽管主囚犯通常是个男人,但他的妻儿愿意跟他一起走——如果他们能打听到他被抓到哪儿的话。这本书讲述了在日军袭击珍珠港之后几天内被抓的一些男人的故事。他们的家人在其后漫长的几个月,乃至几年里打听他是否还活着,他们被送到了哪里更是不得而知。很多受访者当年还是孩子,他们用儿童的眼光描述了通往未知新家的漫长、奇怪的旅程。Although they had no way of knowing it at the time, for these people Crystal City would become the closest thing many of them had to a home for a long time. The camp operated until 1948 — three years after the war had ended — and its residents continued to be policed and guarded. Nobody quite knew where to send them.他们当时绝不会想到,克里斯特尔城会在很长一段时间里成为最接近家的地方。这个拘留营一直运营到1948年——那时“二战”已结束三年——之后这里的居民继续被监督、看管。没人确切地知道要把他们送到哪里。Red-haired Ingrid Eiserloh, a first-generation American of German descent, had been born in New York and grown up in Strongsville, Ohio, the place she considered home. But a blanket policy of postwar “repatriation” meant shipping Ingrid, her parents and young siblings to postwar Germany, where they would endure near-starvation and have no set survival plan; Ingrid would also have to deal with the crude attentions of American G.I.s. The book gives abundant credit to such American officials as Earl G. Harrison, a onetime commissioner of the Immigration and Naturalization Service. He was in charge of overseeing Crystal City and understood the additional, superfluous cruelty that came with this postwar treatment. But the unyielding anti-immigrant attitude that the ed States applied to many Jews freed from concentration camps also applied to Crystal City’s unwanted population.红头发的英格丽德·艾泽洛(Ingrid Eiserloh)是第一代德裔美国人,她在纽约出生,在俄亥俄州的斯特朗威尔长大,她视后者为家乡。但是战后“遣送回国”的通用政策把英格丽德,以及她的父母、弟们送回了战后的德国,他们没有任何固定的谋生计划,差点饿死在德国;英格丽德还得应付美国士兵的严密监视。这本书高度赞扬了厄尔·G·哈里森(Earl G. Harrison)等美国官员,哈里森曾是美国移民和归化局局长,曾负责监管克里斯特尔城。他明白这种战后待遇会带来多余的、没必要的残酷。但是美国对很多从集中营中释放出来的犹太人持有的强硬反移民态度也用到了克里斯特尔城这些不受欢迎的人身上。Among Ms. Russell’s best sources: Mr. Harrison’s diary and the personnel file of Joseph O’Rourke, the officer in Crystal City who dealt with the day-to-day problems there. Given the officiousness with which both men might have distanced themselves from the tough issues that came their way, these documents are surprisingly honest and pained about the injustices being done. Mr. O’Rourke wrote of watching “typical American boys and girls develop deep feelings of betrayal by their government.” After all, in a situation rife with absurdities, they were being taught the Bill of Rights in schools at Crystal City, where those rights had been taken away from them.拉塞尔最好的资料来源包括哈里森的日记以及约瑟夫·欧鲁克(Joseph O’Rourke)的人事档案,后者曾是克里斯特尔城的一名军官,负责处理那里的日常问题。他们两人秉持不越俎代庖的原则,可能没有干涉自己看到的一些严重问题,但是这些文件出人意料地诚实,为不公正的行为感到痛心。欧鲁克写道,他看到“典型的美国男孩和女孩产生被自己的政府背叛的强烈情绪”。毕竟,在那种十分荒谬的情况下,他们仍在克里斯特尔城的学校里接受《人权法案》的教育,而他们自己的权利却被剥夺了。“The Train to Crystal City” combines accounts of terrible sorrow and destruction with great perseverance, and there is one really unexpected turn. Though their internment may have been, in theory, the worst thing the children of Crystal City ever experienced, some of them formed lasting bonds. So they have reunions. They have had a newsletter, Crystal City Chatter. And they have their memories, which they shared with Ms. Russell. She now shares them with ers who’ll wish these stories weren’t true.《开往克里斯特尔城的火车》以极大的毅力把这些关于可怕悲痛和破坏的叙述综合在一起,书中还有个非常出人意料的转折。虽然理论上讲,克里斯特尔城的孩子们被拘留的生活是他们最糟糕的经历,但是其中一些人建立了长久的联系。他们后来多次聚会。他们有一个内部通讯,名叫《克里斯特尔城絮语》(Crystal City Chatter)。他们有共同的回忆,他们把这些回忆分享给了拉塞尔。现在,拉塞尔把这些回忆分享给读者,虽然读者们希望这些故事不是真的。 /201501/356555

WASHINGTON — A group of Washington investors with high-level political backing and a billion commitment from the Japanese government is pressing ahead with its vision of a high-speed train that could whisk passengers between New York and Washington in about an hour.华盛顿——一群拥有高层政治背景并已赢得日本政府出资50亿美元(约合300亿元人民币)保的华盛顿投资者正在着手推进他们心中构想的高速列车建设,力图将纽约和华盛顿之间的客运时长缩短到大约一小时。The train, which uses a technology called magnetic levitation, or maglev, to float above the track on magnets instead of wheels, would travel at twice the speed of Amtrak’s Acela. It is one of several high-speed rail projects proposed for the heavily trafficked Northeast Corridor, where chronic traffic congestion and flight delays are expected to get worse.这种列车使用一种名为“磁悬浮”的技术,借助磁力悬浮在轨道上,而非使用车轮。它的行驶速度将达到美铁(Amtrak)阿西乐列车(Acela)的两倍。为了给交通繁忙的东北走廊分担压力,目前出现了数个高速铁路项目的提议,而磁悬浮计划是其中之一。据预计,东北走廊长期的交通拥堵和航班延误现象将进一步恶化。At a total estimated cost of 0 billion, critics say a maglev train on the East Coast is little more than a pipe dream. But that has not stopped the investors from pushing the project.鉴于估算的总花费为1000亿美元,批评人士表示,在东海岸建造磁悬浮列车不过是痴人说梦。不过,这未能阻止投资者去推动这个项目。On a test track in Japan on Tuesday, a prototype train whooshed a group of visiting Americans through mountains at a top speed of 314 miles per hour — so fast, in fact, that Christie Todd Whitman, the former New Jersey governor and one of the Americans on the ride, said trips on Amtrak between Washington and New York were “embarrassing” by comparison.周二,一列原型车在日本的测试轨道上,以314英里(约合505公里)的最高时速载着一群美国客人飞速穿越群山——速度非常之快,以致于此次测试的美国乘客之一、新泽西州前州长克里斯蒂·托德·惠特曼(Christie Todd Whitman)禁不住感叹,相比之下,乘美铁列车往返华盛顿和纽约有些“令人难堪”。To Ms. Whitman, the train is a solution to transportation problems back home, where the Acela — the fastest train in the ed States — takes 2 hours 45 minutes to travel between New York and Washington.在惠特曼看来,这种火车可以解决美国国内的交通问题。在美国,乘坐阿西乐——美国最快的列车——往返纽约和华盛顿,单程需要2小时45分钟。Ms. Whitman is part of a high-powered advisory board for the Northeast Maglev, a private Washington-based company with a goal of building the Washington-to-New York line. The group, which regularly visits Japan to pursue the project and has taken at least three test rides on the train, is trying to convince skeptical American policy makers and investors that the maglev makes financial and political sense.惠特曼是东北磁悬浮公司(Northeast Maglev)一个充满权势人物的顾问委员会的成员。这是一家设在华盛顿的私营企业,其目标是修建华盛顿至纽约的磁悬浮铁路。这群顾问经常前往日本推进项目,而且已至少三次试坐这种火车。他们试图使持怀疑态度的美国决策者和投资人相信,磁悬浮列车在经济和政治上都行得通。The advisory board includes former Gov. George E. Pataki of New York; Tom Daschle, the former Senate majority leader, who also rode on the train in Japan on Tuesday; former Gov. Edward G. Rendell of Pennsylvania; and Mary Peters, who was a secretary of transportation in the George W. Bush administration. Since 2010, the group has spent .4 million lobbying Congress and meeting with state and local officials to build support for the project.该顾问委员会的成员包括纽约州前州长乔治·E·帕塔基(George E. Pataki)、周二也在日本乘坐了火车的前参议院多数党领袖汤姆·达施勒(Tom Daschle)、宾夕法尼亚州前州长爱德华·G·伦德尔(Edward G. Rendell),以及乔治·W·布什(George W. Bush)政府的运输部长玛丽·彼得斯(Mary Peters)。从2010年开始,为了争取对该项目的持,他们已经斥资140万美元来游说国会并与州级和地方官员举行会晤。To try to win public support, the group has commitments from the Japanese government to invest about billion to pay part of the cost of construction of the first leg, an estimated billion route between Washington and Baltimore. The maglev would enable travelers to go between the two cities in as little as 15 minutes.为了尽力赢得公众持,他们获得了日本政府出资50亿美元的承诺。这笔钱将用来付第一段铁路线的部分建设费用。这段铁路将连接华盛顿与巴尔的,预计造价为100亿美元。在磁悬浮技术的帮助下,乘客只需最少15分钟就能在这两座城市之间穿梭。But large obstacles remain.不过,现实中还是存在一些巨大障碍。Given the project’s cost, the maglev company would need support from the federal government, but transportation advocates are skeptical that it will be forthcoming. And the U.S. High Speed Rail Association, which supports more conventional high-speed rail systems, has dismissed the maglev train as too expensive and experimental.由于项目开巨大,东北磁悬浮公司将需要联邦政府提供持,但交通行业的活跃人士对此表示怀疑。持更传统的高铁系统的美国高速铁路联合会(U.S. High-Speed Rail Association)认为,磁悬浮列车过于昂贵且处于试验阶段,不宜考虑。In addition, the maglev company would have to secure rights of way to build the specialized tracks, a serious financial undertaking on some of the most expensive real estate in the country. The company plans to build a large part of its route underground, which would add to the cost.此外,这家磁悬浮公司还必须获得在美国某些最昂贵的地段上修建专用轨道的通行权,而这是一项重大经济负担。公司计划把很大一部分路线建在地下,将令成本进一步增加。But Wayne Rogers, an investor in renewable energy and other projects and chairman and chief executive of Northeast Maglev, said the train makes more sense than current proposals to fix transportation problems in the Northeast, including building more roads and fixing tracks to make Amtrak trains go faster. Adding more highways in the region would increase congestion, he said.然而,东北磁悬浮公司的董事长兼首席执行官韦恩·罗杰斯(Wayne Rogers)表示,和当前为解决东北地区的运输问题而提出的其他建议相比,磁悬浮列车更合理。相关提议包括,修更多公路,以及升级轨道,以便让美铁列车行驶得更快。身为可再生能源等项目的投资人的罗杰斯说,在该地区多修公路会加剧拥堵。As for fixing existing tracks to speed up Amtrak trains, “It’s like putting a Ferrari on the crowded Beltway around Washington: It’s not going to make it go any faster,” Mr. Rogers said.至于升级现有轨道,以便让美铁列车提速,罗杰斯说,“就像把法拉利放在绕华盛顿的环形公路上一样:根本不会让它跑得更快。”(Amtrak has its own plans to provide high-speed rail on the corridor: a 1 billion proposal to upgrade its existing system to make it easier for trains to travel at 220 m.p.h., which would reduce the trip between New York and Washington to about 90 minutes. Congressional critics and some transportation experts have called the proposal too costly.)(在为东北走廊提供高速铁路方面,美铁有着自己的计划:一项耗资1510亿美元的提议要求升级现有系统,以便让列车更易于以220英里的时速运行。这将使纽约与华盛顿之间的交通时间减少到大约90分钟。国会的批评人士和部分运输专家称,该方案成本过高。)Another supporter of the maglev, James P. RePass, chairman of the National Corridors Initiative in Boston, which supports increased federal and private investment in rail projects, said he was previously skeptical of the train project, but has changed his mind.同样持磁悬浮的还有全美走廊倡议组织(National Corridors Initiative)主席詹姆斯·P·里帕斯(James P. RePass)。该组织位于波士顿,提倡联邦和私人增加对铁路项目投资。里帕斯表示,他以前对磁悬浮列车计划持怀疑态度,但现已改变主意。“If you had asked me two years ago, I would have said not a chance,” Mr. RePass said. “But this proposal, which seemed unlikely in the past, is gaining credibility. The reason is that unlike a lot of projects, this one actually has money.”“如果两年前问我,我会说根本不可能,”里帕斯说。“但过去看似不太可能的这个提议,现在越来越可信。原因在于,不同于许多项目,这一个实际上自带资金。”Mr. Daschle, who heads the advisory board for Northeast Maglev, dismisses concerns about the maglev technology.东北磁悬浮公司顾问委员会主席达施勒驳斥了对磁悬浮技术的担忧。“You can’t be a skeptic on the technological side anymore, because it’s been shown to work,” he said after his ride on the train.“你无法再在技术方面质疑了,因为它已经被明是可行的,”他在试坐完磁悬浮列车后说。Mr. Rogers said the company was moving ahead with its plans: It has filed an application with the Maryland Public Service Commission to transfer the franchise rights of the defunct Washington Baltimore amp; Annapolis railroad to Northeast Maglev, the first step in getting the project off the ground. The company will need additional approvals from the Surface Transportation Board and the Federal Railroad Administration. Without the transfer of the franchise rights, the company would have to ask the Maryland General Assembly to approve a new franchise agreement, a process that could take years.罗杰斯表示,公司正在推进自己的计划:它已向马里兰州公共务委员会(Maryland Public Service Commission)递交了申请,请求将现已停止务的华盛顿至巴尔的再到安纳波利斯铁路的特许经营权转让给东北磁悬浮公司。这是启动项目的第一步。公司另外还需获得地面运输委员会(Surface Transportation Board)和联邦铁路(Federal Railroad Administration)的批准。如果不能通过转让获得特许经营权,公司将不得不提请马里兰州议会批准一项新的特许经营协议。这一步可能需要花费数年时间。“We can’t wait around until political and financial conditions are perfect,” Mr. Rogers said. “The transportation infrastructure on the Northeast Corridor is in bad shape. We need to get moving.”“我们不能一直等到政治和财务状况都完备,”罗杰斯说。“目前东北走廊的运输基础设施状况很糟糕。我们需要行动起来。” /201410/337770

While the debate about legalisation of cannabis is endlessly fascinating, it obscures the vital question of how to design a system of legal availability.虽然关于大麻合法化的辩论总能激起人们的兴趣,但它遮盖了一个重要问题:如何设计出一套合法供应的体系?Prohibition produces some very bad results. It deprives millions of people of the liberty to pursue what would be, for them, a harmless pleasure. It creates an illicit market that delivers tens of billions of dollars a year to criminals. It leads to large numbers of arrests (mostly for possession for personal use) and a smaller but substantial number of incarcerations (mostly for growing or dealing). The black market fuels corruption and violence worldwide.禁令带来一些很糟糕的后果。它剥夺了数以百万计的人无害享乐的自由。它滋生了非法市场,每年几百亿美元落入犯罪分子手中。有许多人被捕(多数是因为持有大麻自用),还有数目较少但仍相当可观的人入狱(多数是因为种植或交易大麻)。黑市在全球各地助燃着腐败和暴力。On the other hand, prohibition maintains high prices, discouraging heavy use and use by minors. The problem is how to shed the harms of prohibition while minimising the harms of legalisation. The desirable outcomes are cannabis available to adults who want to use it in moderation and abolition of the illicit trade but without significant increases in habitual heavy use or in more-than-occasional use by minors. Alas, current legalisation efforts in the US, replacing prohibition with commercial production and sale after the fashion of alcohol, have little prospect of getting us there.另一方面,禁令的好处是,它维持了大麻的高价,从而减少了大量使用大麻和未成年人使用大麻的现象。问题是怎样既能消除禁令的弊端,又能尽量减少合法化的危害。理想的结果是,让想要适度吸食的成年人能够获得大麻,从而取缔非法交易,同时又不导致习惯性滥大麻或是未成年人频繁吸食大麻的情况显著增加。可惜的是,美国当前的合法化努力方向是用商业生产和销售取代禁令,就像对待酒类那样,这意味着实现上述目标的机会渺茫。Some rise in problem use is inevitable if cannabis becomes cheaper and more available. But a move to commercialisation multiplies the risks. A licit industry would be financially dependent on the minority of consumers who become chemically dependent, just as the alcohol industry derives most of its revenue from periodic binge drinkers and chronic alcoholics. Alcohol and cannabis follow the 80-20 law: 20 per cent of the user population accounts for 80 per cent of sales, and most of those heavy users suffer from substance abuse. The commercial interests of the cannabis industry would therefore be in direct conflict with the public interest, and the industry would have both means and motive to use its muscle to resist measures to limit drug abuse.如果大麻价格降低、供应增加,滥用的现象难免会上升。但商业化之后,风险会成倍增加。合法化的行业将在经济上依赖一小部分上瘾的顾客,正如酒业的营收大多来自经常豪饮者和长期酗酒者一样。酒类和大麻均适用“80-20定律”:20%的顾客群贡献80%的销售额,大部分“重度消费者”有物质滥用问题。因此,大麻行业的商业利益将与公共利益直接冲突。该行业将有动机和手段来阻挠限制滥用的措施。Cannabis is naturally cheap; only prohibition makes it expensive. The Rand Corporation’s Drug Policy Research Center in the US has estimated the free-market price at no more than 10 per cent of the current illicit-market price. Since an hour stoned aly costs less than an hour drunk, casual users would gain little from lower prices – even now the cost barely registers in their personal budgets. But for cash-strapped teens and heavy users, a cost of pennies per cannabis cigarette would be an invitation to dive in; and a for-profit industry would reinforce that invitation with relentless promotion.大麻本来很便宜,只是禁令才让它值钱。美国兰德公司(Rand Corporation)毒品政策研究中心(Drug Policy Research Center)估计,自由市场的价格不会超过目前非法市场价格的10%。既然沉迷于一小时大麻影响的成本已经比买一小时的醉便宜,偶尔享用的消费者很难从降价中获得什么好处——即使是现在,抽大麻在他们的预算里也占不了多大份量。但对于大量吸食的消费者和囊中羞涩的青少年而言,几分钱一根的大麻烟将非常诱人。而谋求利润的行业将用不断的促销加强这种诱惑。High taxes and tight marketing restrictions might, in principle, curb the damage. But why should we expect such measures to surmount industry opposition? Here, again, the case of alcohol provides fair warning.征收重税和严格限制营销在理论上可能会控制住危害。但凭什么认为这些措施能战胜行业的反对?在这方面,酒类的案例再次提供了合理的警告。A large increase in problem use might be a price worth paying to rid ourselves of the many ills attendant on prohibition. But it is not a price we have to pay. Smarter policies could lead to better outcomes.为摆脱禁令带来的诸多弊病,滥用大麻现象的大幅增加或许是值得付出的代价,但这并不是非得付出的代价。更明智的政策有望产生更好的效果。Legal production and sale could be restricted to consumer co-operatives; to not-for-profit enterprises with trustees charged with preventing abuse; or to a state monopoly run as a branch of the health service rather than the revenue agency. Non-commercial vendors would be less likely to offer cannabis-infused sweets in packaging that mimics children’s sweets or infuse cannabis into fruit-flavoured drinks, as now offered by the “medical marijuana” industry in the US.合法产销的范围可以限定于:消费者合作社,有受托人负责防止滥用的非盈利企业,或者一个国有垄断机构,作为医疗务(而非税务部门)的某个分来运行。非商业的供应商不太可能会像目前美国的“医用大麻”行业那样,售卖富含大麻成分、包装模仿儿童糖果的甜食,或是将大麻成分加入果味饮料。One measure to limit abuse – consistent with either commercial or non-commercial distribution – would be user-set personal periodic limits on consumption: an instance of the “libertarian paternalist” strategy of “nudges” toward sensible behaviour.有一项限制滥用的措施既适合商业经销,又适合非商业经销:让消费者自己设定在一个周期内的消费量。这是“自由意志家长主义”将人们向理智行为“轻推”的体现。Almost no one plans to become a heavy daily user. Abuse is the accretion of countless undramatic decisions, each taken under the lure of current amusement, pleasure or relief, and neglecting the future. If each user, on starting to purchase cannabis, were required to choose a personal monthly a, to be enforced by retailers, users’ long-term interests might have a fighting chance of competing with short-term impulses. Persuading people to set such limits would require persuading them that they are at risk of falling prey to cannabis abuse. Users could increase their limit but only with, say, two weeks’ notice; in the meantime, retailers would be required to dishonour purchase requests above the limit.几乎没有人希望每天吸食很多大麻。滥用是无数个小决定的累积,每个小决定则来自及时行乐(不管是消遣、追求快感还是放松)、忘记未来的诱惑。如果每位消费者在开始购买大麻时被要求选择每月的消费量,并由零售商执行,那么消费者的长期利益或许有机会与短期冲动较量一番。既然要说人们为自己设限,就需要说他们认识到陷入大麻滥用的风险。消费者可以提高自己的限额,但必须事先通知(如提前两周)。与此同时,零售商将必须拒绝超限的购买请求。User-set limits would impinge on no one’s liberty; a consumer who did not want such protection could simply set a high limit to start with. Of course, some would do so, and some would progress to dependency by repeatedly raising their personal as. But others, made mindful of the fact that their consumption was exceeding their original intentions, might leave the limits in place, using them as props to moderation.让消费者自己设定限额,不会妨碍任何人的自由:不希望得到保护的消费者只需一开始将限额设高即可。当然,有人确实会这样做,也有人会一再提高个人限额,慢慢上瘾。但其他人在意识到自己的消费量正在超过最初指标之后,可能不去修改限额,而是把它当作促进节制的机制。Perhaps continued prohibition is the worst option. But turning the business over to a money-hungry industry might well be the second worst. Why not choose better?继续禁止大麻或许是最糟糕的选择。但将生意完全交给唯利是图的行业,恐怕是第二糟糕的选择。为何不选择更好的方案? /201402/275098

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