原标题: 赣州医院治青春痘效果怎么样好医信息
NPR photojournalist David Gilkey, who won wide acclaim for his work chronicling major conflicts and disasters around the world, died Sunday in Afghanistan after the Afghan unit he was traveling with was hit by rocket-propelled grenades in an apparent ambush. NPRs Afghan interpreter, Zabihullah Tamanna, was also killed in the attack, as was Afghan soldier at the wheel of their vehicle. Gilkey was 50 years old, Tamanna 38.NPR described Gilkeys body of work in its release confirming his death:It is fair to say that David witnessed some of humanitys most challenging moments: He covered wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. He covered the conflict between Israel and Hamas in Gaza. He covered the end of the apartheid regime in South Africa. He covered the devastating earthquake in Haiti, famine in Somalia, and most recently the Ebola epidemic in Liberia.Gilkey previously worked for the Detroit Free Press, and was considered one of the countrys best photojournalists in his time there, and was part of the team that won the paper an Emmy for Outstanding Current News Coverage for Broadband for the series ;Michigan Marines: Band of Brothers.;He also won a George Polk award for NPR in 2010, and the White House Photographers Association named him Still Photographer of the Year in 2011.Gilkey was the first non-military U.S. journalist to die in Afghanistan since the latest conflict there began in 2001.Joe Swickard, Gilkeys former colleague at the Detroit Free Press, joined us today on Stateside.201606/448213

Politicians v newspapers政客与媒体Hold the presses媒体控制The battle over newspaper regulation rolls into the long grass新闻法规之战暂被搁置“IT IS not even the beginning of the end, but it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.” That (ing Winston Churchill) is one MPs verdict on Britains battle over newspaper standards. His judgment, if grandiloquent, is accurate. The clash between politicians and newspapers, which began with the revelation in 2011 of widesp phone-hacking by a tabloid, appears to have reached a conclusion. On October 30th the government approved a new regulatory system to discipline Fleet Streetmisbehaviour. But the hostilities have merely been postponed.“那不是末日的开端,而可能是开端的终结。”这是某国会议员引用丘吉尔的名言对英国报纸标准做出的结论。如果极力夸大事态的严重性,他的论断则恰如其分。从2011年沸沸扬扬的窃听门事件开始,政客与报纸之间的对抗似乎总算有了一个了结。10月30日,为了督管英国报业的不当举措,政府通过了一个新的监管体系。但这无非只是推后了双方的战争。The new system is the product of months of debate and compromise. Reacting to the phone-hacking scandal, the government commissioned a judge to investigate press standards. After a tortuous, year-long inquiry, Lord Justice Levesonrecommended a tough new regulator backed by legislation.这一新的体系是数月以来辩论和妥协的产物。作为对窃听门事件的回应,政府委任一位法官去调查媒体标准问题。经历了一些兜圈子、耗时一年的调查后,英国最高法院大法官莱维森③提议要建立一个强硬的监管体系,这一提议获法律持。In March the three main political parties responded by proposing a royal charter—an ancient device seen as less offensive to a free press than statute would be. The charter provides for a regulator as well as a “recognition panel”, free from press or political control, to police its independence. The regulator could impose fines of up to £1m (.6m) on newspapers and insist on prominent corrections. The charter also exposes newspapers that refuse to join the regulatory regime to punitive damages if cases are brought against them.3月,三个主要的政治团体提出皇家特许状作为回应—这是很久以来对自由媒体采取的策略中,较成文法而言攻击性较小的法案。特许状提出要建立监管体系以及监管机构筹备组来管辖报业独立,而这一机构既不受制于媒体,也不受制于政治团体。它可向报业征收高达100万欧元(合160万美元)的罚款,且有权要求报业对报道内容作出重大更正。特许状也曝光了那些拒绝加入监管体系的报纸,若案件与其不利,则有权对其征收损害性赔偿。The large newspaper groups are having none of it. They claim the royal charter amounts to government meddling. On October 30th judges struck down their bid to delay its introduction. Hours later the royal charter received the queens assent. Politicians declared their job complete.大的报纸团体拒不买账。他们声称皇家特许状就相当于政府干预。10月30日,法官否决了他们企图延迟特许状问世的诉讼。几个小时之后,皇家特许状获得了女王的应允。政客们也表示他们的任务圆满完成。Ministers hope that editors and owners will sign up to the new system in order to avoid being hit with punitive damages. Some MPs think an ongoing news story will help push them into line. The trial of Rebekah Brooks and Andy Coulson, two former editors charged with authorising illegal reporting methods, began on October 28th. On October 30th a jury was told that three former journalists had pleaded guilty to charges of phone-hacking.部长们希望编辑和报刊所有者为了避免被索要损害性赔偿,会选择签署加盟新的体系。一些国会议员也认为正在进行的报业整改有助于帮他们回到正轨。10月28日,两位前编辑利百加·布鲁克斯和安迪.科尔森因批准非法报道渠道而被法院起诉。10月30日,陪审团被告知三位前记者对监听电话的指控供认不讳。That is wishful thinking. Claire Enders, a media analyst, says there is “zero” chance of the big newspapers accepting the new regime. The largest groups have launched another legal challenge to it. They have also created an alternative system, the Independent Press Standards Organisation (IPSO). This will not comply with the royal charter—not least as it will have fewer powers and will not be completely independent of the press—but the businesses behind it have deep enough pockets to pay eye-watering damages, should it come to that. They will settle with victims of abuse more ily than before, reckons Ms Enders, who also doubts that the smaller newspaper outfits will sign up to the royal charter system.媒体分析家克莱尔恩德斯称让大报接受新的体系绝无胜算,只能是痴心妄想。最大的报纸团体已经掀起了一场法律的挑战。他们也创造了一个可供替代的体系,即独立新闻标准组织(IPSO)。这一体系不会遵守皇家特许状—可以说完全不遵守,因为其权利较少,且并不完全独立于媒体—但是如果局面真的一发不可收拾,其背后的企业便可提供足够的财力去偿还惨不忍睹的损失。克莱尔恩德斯承认,相较过去,这会更加容易使诽谤受害者平息下来,但他也怀疑小的报纸会归于皇家特许状。The politicians charter will find few or no takers, then—and will eventually crumple. That will happen slowly. The recognition panel, which will monitor progress, will not report on the systems success or failure until shortly before, or even after, the 2015 election. So there will be months of delay before another showdown between the press and MPs.政客推出的特许状几乎没有人愿意接受—因而最终会面临崩溃的局面。这个过程会很迟缓。监视此进程的监管机构筹备组不会把这一体系的成功与失败于2015大选前后报道出来。因此,据媒体和国会议员之间摊牌还会有数个月的时间。That suits many people just fine. Mr Cameron, wary of poisoning relations with the press and of Tory colleagues fiercely opposed to regulation, is happy to kick the matter into the long grass. Those keenest on regulation—the Labour and Liberal Democrat parties and Hacked Off, a group representing press victims—want to give the charter time to work. Neither Labour nor the Lib Dems plan to question its success until the recognition panel has reported. The tabloid owners and editors are the happiest of all to play for time: the longer the politicians system is delayed, the more time IPSO has to win acceptance. Legal challenges might delay the process further.很多人对这一法规都没有异议。卡梅隆诚惶诚恐地调节着和媒介之间的病态关系,处理着保守党对这一法规的激烈反对,于他而言,他非常乐意把这件事搁置一边。对这一法规极度热忱的党派—工党,自由民主党和受害者们(媒体受害者群体)都想给皇家特许状时间,让其发挥作用。工党和自由民主党计划直到监管机构筹备组报道时,再对其成功与否发出质疑。小报所有者和编辑则对这种时间游戏欢欣不已:政客推出的体系耽搁的越久,独立新闻标准组织(IPSO)就越有胜算。法律的挑战可能会进一步延缓整个过程。Eventually, probably after the next election, the failure of the royal charter will force politicians back to the drawing board. Most in Labour and the Lib Dems, along with a minority of Tories, might then look to statutory regulation of the press—a prospect even less acceptable to the newspapers than the royal charter. The battle has been postponed. It will be even more vicious when it rejoins.最终,或许就在下次大选之后,皇家特许状的失败会迫使政客们从头开始。大多数工党、自由民主党,以及托利党党羽的一少部分可能都会关注媒体的法定规则—这是对报纸而言比皇家特许状更难以接受的未来。这场战役被推后了,但当其卷土重来之时,其杀伤力会更加剧烈。译者:张丹 校对:黄佳欣 译文属译生译世 /201511/412151Now,you are,I had some many people tell me in the comedy community what a terrifc improviser you are.thanks.在喜剧界有好多人告诉我 你是个超级棒的即兴表演者 谢谢Watched you do improv in in shows and say youre really good.他们见过你即兴表演 说你真的很棒And I understand you have some anxiety.You get anxiety before you do improv.我知道你有些焦虑 你即兴表演之前会觉得焦虑A little,Im a very anxious person.Do you have an exercise or anything you do before you go on stage?是的 我是个很焦虑的人 上舞台之前你会不会做运动之类的事Cause I know I did improv years ago and Andy started out in improv.我多年前即兴表演过 安迪也是先做的即兴表演Some people have actual technics they do to sort of help them warm up before they go on stage.有些人有一些技巧 能帮助他们上舞台之前热身There was one exercise they used to have us do in improv class,and it was this exercise called give me back my son,在即兴表演课上 他们要我们做一种练习 名字叫把我儿子还给我And have you ever seen the movie;Ransom; with Mel Gibson?Yeah,yeah,Ok.你看过梅尔·吉布森的《赎金风暴》吗 看过 好的In that movie Mel Gibsons son is kidnapped and there was a dramatic scene where hes on the phone with his sons captors那部电影中 梅尔·吉布森的儿子被绑架了 其中有戏剧性的一幕 他跟他儿子的绑匪打电话and he goes,give me back my son!And hes really red face and angry.他说 把我的儿子还给我 他面红耳赤 十分生气So the exercise,the wear the exercise worked,you would like walk up to somebody in the class and you would make eye contact.这个练习也类似如此 你走向你的一个同学 做眼神交流And you would have to with full rage and intensity say,give me back my son and hold eye contact.你愤怒起来 然后说 把我的儿子还给我 并保持眼神交流And not laugh.And then they would do it to the next person.不要笑场 他们会对下一个人这样做So,How does it work? How do you get eliminated?If you laugh.You laugh.You cant laugh.所以 这是怎么回事 怎么就算被淘汰了 笑了吗 笑了 你不能笑You have to commit.even thought youre anxious.theres no more awkward thing to do than walk up to another adult,你必须全神贯注 就算你很焦虑 没什么事比走向另一个成年人 冲他喊着Scream give me back my son and hold their gaze.把我的儿子还给我 并保持眼神交流更尴尬的事了Would you live to try it?I think we should.Absolutely.你想试试吗?我觉得我们该试试 没问题The critical thing,you have to have like full,like all of the anger,your sons been taken,right.I get it.关键在于你得相当愤怒 你的儿子被抢走了 好吗 我懂201608/461705How are your?Not bad.How are you?Im great.Youre here on a good day,huh?你好吗 还不错 你好吗 很好 你今天来适逢好日子 对吗Yeah,absolutely.that was cool.Did you.I actually met Mrs Obama once before是的 当然 非常酷 你以前 我实际上以前见过奥巴马夫人一次I believe it was Sashas birthday,and they organized a trip to the Potter set我想应该是Sasha的生日 他们组织了一次去哈利波特拍摄地之旅And we had the big Happy Birthday banner on the great hall,and I came out and present it with a cake我们在大厅里准备了巨大的;生日快乐;的横幅 我出来把一个蛋糕给And we were just totally absorbed in what they to.Yeah,I was going to say,shes amazing,just adorable我们当时被他们所做的一切吸引住了 是啊 我刚想说 她非常棒 非常可爱I like her,so everytime I see her it reminds how much I like her我这么喜欢她 每次见到她都会提醒我有多喜欢她Congratulations on the entertainer of the year 2011,thats,you cant get better than that.No,that was pretty amazing祝贺你获得2011年度最佳艺人 这是最高的荣誉了 那确实很棒It really was a fantastic year,I mean,for everyone the last year was kind of bow这也确实是很棒的一年 我的意思是说 对每个人而言 去年有点像一种致敬The film is finishing and a lot of kind of sadness around back,but for me,it was a year of celebration电影拍完了 大家都有些伤感 但是对我来讲 这是值得庆祝的一年And then my first year away,I was doing an amazing show.Yeah,it was really a great year,I had the blessed我第一年离开家乡 在参与一个很棒的节目 是的 确实是很棒的一年 我很幸运Do you love doing Broadway?yeah,absolutely,yeah,yeah.你喜欢在百老汇表演吗 是的 当然I apologize,by the way,for not dancing when I came out,But Im choreographed,Im terrible顺便说下 很抱歉刚才出来时我没跳舞 但是我只会跳事先编排好的舞 我很糟糕I dont believe that,you cant be good dancer choreographed and not with rhythem and timing我不相信 你不可能编舞跳得很好 而没有节奏感Oh,you can.how?Oh,you can,really?I am,if not the rule of exception,Im goint to prove the rule哦 可能 怎么可能 哦 可能 真的 我是 如果不是例外 也要明常规Its my,my dance skills is clumsy.Really?thats amazing,I did not see the show只是 我的 我的舞步很笨拙 真的吗 不可思议 我没看过你的那个剧But its all the right up said that your dancing was impeccable and your singing,and youre an amazing singer and dancer.Well,thank them但是都在说你的舞蹈很完美 还有你的歌声 你是一个很棒的歌手和舞者 谢谢他们这么说 /201609/467847

Presidential libraries总统图书馆Style and guile风格与骗局The search for a home for Mr Obamas library and museum has begun为奥巴马图书馆和物馆找家的工作已经展开“AT THEIR best, they are lively classrooms of democracy,” says Richard Norton Smith, a historian who specialises in presidential libraries. They are also something of a misnomer. People who wander in expecting to borrow “The Cat in the Hat” tend to find instead a museum, a replica of the Oval Office and many floors of documents.“在它们的历史最好时期,是民主制度的活教室,”Richard Norton Smith说,他是专门研究总统图书馆的历史学家。这些“图书馆”也是用词不当的产物。那些漫步而进想借本《帽子里的猫》的人们会发现这其实是家物馆,仿造了总统办公室,有很多文件。Last week the Barack Obama Foundation invited applications from institutions interested in giving room to the 14th presidential library. Marty Nesbitt, a member of the foundation board and a friend of the Obamas, says a shortlist of sites will be presented to Mr and Mrs Obama early next year. The foundation wants to create an institution that reflects the commander-in-chiefs values and priorities, as well as serving as a “force for good in the surrounding community”.上周,奥巴马基金会邀请一些机构,这些机构对为14届总统图书馆腾出空间很感兴趣。作为基金会董事会的一员同时也是奥巴马家族朋友的Marty Nesbitt说,这些网站的最终候选人名单将会在明年上半年呈给奥巴马夫妇。基金会想要衍生一个选项能映射出三军统帅的价值和地位,同时也能起到一个“在周边国家中带好头的力量”。ColumbiaUniversityinNew York, the presidents alma mater, is preparing a bid. So too is his birth state ofHawaii. ButChicago, with its strong Obama ties, is assumed to be the front-runner. Mr Obama worked as a community organiser in the South Side, represented the area as a state senator, and was on the faculty of the University of Chicago for 12 years. A number of institutions are vying to make a bid inChicago, well aware that presidential libraries can spur the local economy. Susan Sher, a former chief of staff to Michelle Obama who is co-ordinating theUniversityofChicagos bid, says a number of sites in the South Side, including Bronzeville, are being considered.纽约的哥伦比亚大学是总统的母校,他们也在做这方面竞标努力。他的出生地夏威夷州也同样在努力。但是芝加哥,奥巴马的铁杆基地,被认可为领跑者。奥巴马还在South Side区时的工作时团体组织者,是这一地区的州议员,并且曾在芝加哥大学当了12年的职员。The money needed to build the library—possibly about 0m—will be raised by the foundation. This will include an endowment to cover some of the maintenance costs. The rest will come from the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) which is charged with running all the presidential libraries at an annual cost of m.这个图书馆的建立可能需要5亿美金,将由基金会募集。这里面也包含有覆盖维护费用的捐款。剩余的将会由国家档案记录管理委员会(NARA)提供,这个组织负责运营所有总统图书馆,每年花销7000万美元。Last year a mere 10,600 scholars used the libraries. By contrast 730,000 people attended public and educational programmes there, and 2.4m people visited the associated museums. Ronald Reagans library in Simi, Californiawas the most visited in 2013, with some 425,000 trooping in to see, among other things, his Air Force One. Online visits are more numerous and growing rapidly. Every library seems to be bigger than the last, but then records and artefacts are accumulating at an ever-faster clip. Herbert Hoovers library stores 500 gifts; Dwight Eisenhowers, 25,000; that of Bill Clinton (a man of appetites), more than 150,000.去年,将近10,600位学者使用过图书馆。与之对比,有730,000人参加了那里的公共与教育活动项目,有240万人参观了相关图书馆。位于加州西米市的罗纳德·里根图书馆在2013年大热,相比于其他物品,他的空军一号最热,有425,000人去参观。But then records and artefacts are accumulating at an ever-faster clip. Herbert Hoovers library stores 500 gifts; Dwight Eisenhowers, 25,000; that of Bill Clinton (a man of appetites), more than 150,000.但随后的记录和文物正在以越来越快的速度积累。赫伯特·胡佛的库存储500礼品;艾森豪威尔25000;那比尔·克林顿的,超过15万。Since presidents usually live for decades after they leave office, the library becomes a tool for defining—cynics would say, polishing—their legacy. But they also try to continue the work of a president. The Obama Foundation hopes his library will be “the most connected, interactive presidential library in history”. Until the next even-more-wired president, that is.因为总统们通常在退休后还会生活数十年,图书馆就成了定义的工具——这也就是家口中常说的,让他们的遗产发光发亮。但是基金会也尝试让图书馆还继续履行总统职责。奥巴马基金会希望他的图书馆成为“历史上最具活力,最有亲和力的总统图书馆”。即使到了下一位更令人振奋的总统上任,它依旧不变。In the long term, the libraries are most useful for the access they offer to presidential documents, which tell the true story of the man and his times. But it seems that attention to the flashier, exhibition side of things is detracting from NARAs real work: making documents available for public release. Fully 40% of NARAs text holdings have not been processed. And they have plenty to reveal. Eisenhower, for example—says Mr Smith—was widely known in his time as a “genial duffer”. When the papers in his library were examined he was seen as far more sophisticated, even ruthless: “Behind the smile was guile.”从长远来看,这些图书馆最有用的地方在于它们许可参观总统文件,这写文件阐述了总统和他的时代最真实的故事。但是似乎看起来这些高涨的公众热情会被NARA的实际展出的物品所降低:可供公众阅读文件的程度。NARA40%的储存文本从未被展出。并且它们中有很多爆点。Smith说,例如,艾森豪威尔,在那个时代是个广为人知的“亲和的小二货”。当时从他图书馆里查阅的文件看来,他其实比看起来城府深得多,甚至是残忍:“笑里藏刀。”译者:彭威 译文属译生译世 /201601/424447Alright. These are...I mean, look at all these questions.I dont know.好的 这些 我是说 看这些问题 我不知道I dont know if we have time for all of these.But these are questions and I have none seen them.有没有时间把这些都回答完 但是就这么多问题 我没有提前看过These are just Im...Im just gonna look at them,And come up with the six words answer, right away.这些只是 我现在来看一看 然后现场想出六字箴言作回答For instance,Tara O asked, ;If a blue moon is rare,Whats something that you see Even less than the blue moon.;例如 塔拉问 如果蓝月亮很稀奇 那你见过什么事 比蓝月亮更稀奇Okay. A man in a yoga commercial.Tina C asked, ;Whats a good reason to get a smart car.;男人练习瑜伽 蒂娜问 ;买一辆智能汽车有什么好的理由;You find airline seats too roomy.Not seen these.空中座位很宽 没见过这Mary L ask, ;Whats the best advice your mother give you?;玛丽问 ;你妈给过你最好的建议是什么;Dont settle for just any man.Sophia M asked,;Im not seeing any weight changes from my diet.;不跟男人拍拖 索菲娅问 节制饮食后我看不到明显的效果Can you recommend something that Will give me noticeable result.;Eat the same and learn Photoshop.你有什么好的减肥法子 能起到显著效果; 吃照吃 学会PS /201511/411613

Thailand泰国Everything is broken离破碎Long in crisis, Thailand is close to the brink. Without compromises on both sides, it may well collapse深陷危机,泰国局势急转直下。对峙双方若互不让步,该国局势可能即将崩溃。LOOK on and despair. A decade ago Thailand was a shining example—rare proof that in South-East Asia a vibrant democracy could go hand-in-hand with a thriving economy. Contrast that with Thailand on May 7th, left in disarray after the Constitutional Court demanded that the prime minister, Yingluck Shinawatra (pictured), step down with nine members of her cabinet over her decision to remove the countrys head of national security in 2011, in favour of a relative.泰国前景堪忧。十年以前,泰国还是东南亚国家中鲜少能够明生机勃勃的政体可以和蓬勃发展的经济并驾齐驱的耀眼榜样。与昨日的辉煌相比,5月7日的泰国则是一片混乱。泰国总理英拉·西那瓦(如图)2011年让自己一位亲属取代现任国家安全部部长的决定使得宪法法院要求她与9名内阁成员辞去相应职务。For all the pretence of due legal process and distaste at Ms Yinglucks nepotism, this was not an offence that merited the ousting of a prime minister. Instead, the ruling is a measure of quite how far Thailand has fallen, how deeply it is divided and how badly its institutions are broken. Unless Thais step back from the brink, their country risks falling into chaos and anarchy, or outright violence.所有对于相应法定程序的托词以及英拉裙带关系的愤恨都不足以成为剥夺一国总理的理由。与之相反的是,国家的管理是衡量泰国落后他国有多远,分裂问题多么恶劣以及政体破坏多么严重的标准。除非泰国能够走出危机,否则该国面临着混乱的无政府状态或者激烈的暴力冲突的危险。In kicking out Ms Yingluck, the court accomplished what months of anti-government street protests in Bangkok, led by a firebrand populist, Suthep Thaugsuban, had failed to bring about. It is far from the first time the court has ruled against her. To break the impasse on Bangkoks streets, she had called a February election, but the opposition Democrat Party boycotted it, and the court struck down the results. Ms Yingluck had been limping on as a caretaker. The message for many Thais is that the court is on the side of a royalist establishment bent on purging politics of Ms Yingluck, who came to office three years ago in a landslide election, and—especially—her brother, Thaksin Shinawatra, himself ousted in a coup in 2006 and now in self-imposed exile.叛乱煽动者素贴?特素班在曼谷领导的反政府街头抗议数月以逼走英拉的任务由宪法法院完成了。这个情形远不及法院首次对英拉做出裁决的情况。为了打破曼谷街头抗议的僵局,她曾召集了一次二月选举,但是反对党民主党对此抵制抗议,而且法院扼杀了选举结果。英拉像一个临时代理人一般的艰难前行。在许多泰国人看来,法院持建立一个君主主义制度以取代英拉政府统治。英拉三年前在一次压倒性的选举胜利中走上政坛。值得一提的是,英拉的哥哥塔克辛?西那瓦在2006年一次政变中下台,现在也无奈流落异乡。The entire apparatus of government has been sucked into the conflict between two visions of Thailand. For Mr Thaksins supporters, his emergence in 2001 marked a welcome break from decades of rule by corrupt coalitions or military juntas. Helped by a new democratic constitution in 1997, he gave a voice to Thailands majority, many of them in his northern and north-eastern heartland. In their view, he transformed the lives of the poorest with health and education programmes, and he challenged Thailands privileged elites in the bureaucracy, the army, the judiciary and the palace corridors of an ailing King Bhumibol Adulyadej. To the Thaksinites, both the recent street protests and the Constitutional Courts activism are the work of an establishment that cannot accept the results of the ballot box: in 2001, 2005, 2006, 2007 and 2011 parties loyal to Mr Thaksin won elections fair and square, and Ms Yinglucks Pheu Thai party would have done so, too, in February.泰国整个国家机制已经深陷于该国两种观点的冲突之中。对于素贴的持者来说,2001年他的出现标志着几十年来腐败的党派勾结或者军队派别统治已被终结并迎来新的开始。1997年在一项新的民主体制的帮助下,他为泰国大多数人的利益振臂呐喊,这些人的大多数来自于他的北方地区和东北腹地。在他们看来,素贴通过医疗和教育计划改变了最贫困地区人们的生活,而且他勇于挑战泰国官僚体制下的特权阶级,军队,司法机关,以及体弱的泰国国王普密蓬?阿杜德代表的皇权阶层。在塔克辛拥护者眼里,最近的街头抗议以及宪法法院的动作都是由于反对党无法接受选举投票失败的结果:为塔克辛效劳的政党曾在2001,2005,2007以及2011年的大选中光明正大的获得选举,而英拉所在的泰党在2月份本也可以做到这样。There is merit in this interpretation. But so is there in what the Shinawatras enemies have to say. In particular, they charge that Thaksinite governments have been run for the benefit of his rural supporters (a mad scheme to subsidise rice threatens to bust the budget) and of the billionaire himself. There is something creepy about the way that the exiled, unelected Mr Thaksin has been calling the shots from Dubai.这种解释有其可取之处。但是这也是西那瓦家族的反对者所要说的。尤其是这些人指责塔克辛政府一直为他的农村持者以及他这个亿万富翁谋求福利(一项补贴粮食危机来破坏预算的愚蠢计划)。对于被流放的,未经选举的塔克辛先生在迪拜暗中谋划的传闻听来也是十分可怖。Now stalemate beckons. An election is supposed to happen. Ms Yingluck should have had the right to confront her undemocratic royalist foes at the ballot box. But an election is no solution because the opposition will boycott it. Mr Suthep has proposed a “peoples council” of the great and the good, but Thaksinites will rightly see it as a stitch-up designed to keep them out. The irreconcilable differences between the two sides have swallowed up Thailands courts, its army and even the monarchy—and left Thailand at the abyss. Investors, having borne years of simmering discontent, are taking fright. Blood has aly been spilled this year. The prospects of wider violence are growing as Thaksinite supporters threaten conflict on the streets.现在僵局仍然持续。该国应该进行新的选举。英拉应该通过选举来获得直面其非民主保皇主义反对者的权力。但是大选不是解决问题的方法,因为反对者仍将抵制选举。素贴应经提议为显要人物建立一个“人民议会”,但是塔克辛持者会认为这是一个旨在将他们排除在外的圈套。敌对双方无法调和的差异已经湮没了泰国的法院,军队甚至整个君主政体,并让其陷入万劫不复之地。忍受满腹不满情绪多年的投资者也整天惶惶不可终日。满腔热血已在今年挥洒殆尽。随着塔克辛持者扬言街头冲突,更大范围内的暴力活动将会愈演愈烈。Stop and think停战深思If Thailand is to avoid that catastrophe, both sides must now step back from the brink. The starting point is the devolution of Thailands highly centralised system of governance. At the moment only the capital has a democratically elected governor, yet all 76 provinces should also have one—this would not only help a rumbling Muslim insurgency in the south, it would also offer a prize to Mr Suthep, because the winner of the national election would no longer win all the power. In return for this reform, the Democrat Party must pledge to accept election results; and in return for that, the Pheu Thai should run without a Shinawatra at the helm.如果泰国想要避免灾祸,对峙双方必须在局势崩溃之前各退一步。首先要做的就是要将泰国高度集中的管理权力下放。目前只有该国首都拥有一个民主选举的管理者,而其他的76个省 份也应该有这样的管理者——这不仅可以协助解决日渐激烈的南方穆斯林暴乱,还将会为素贴带来额外之喜,因为小全国大选的获胜者将不再是大权独握。作为这场改革的回报, 民主党必须保接受选举结果;而为了回报这个结果,泰党应该在没有西那瓦家族成员掌权的情况下运行。Goodwill is in short supply in Thailand today. Yet by fighting on, the two sides risk bringing ruination to their country. Compromise would, by comparison, be a small price to pay.在今日的泰国,友好善意是如此稀缺。而双方持续对峙面临着给国家带来巨大祸端的风险。通过对比,双方的妥协让步将会是比较小的代价。译者:田密译文属译生译世 /201506/380990

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