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秭归县治疗前列腺疾病多少钱

2018年10月23日 11:51:47
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夷陵区人民中妇幼保健医院男科专家宜昌市男科妇科网上预约Banyan菩提The long arms of the law法律的长臂Across Asia, judges are having too much say in politics在亚洲,法官对政治施加了过多影响AFTER nearly three years, Yingluck Shinawatras stint as prime minister of Thailand drew this week to its inevitable close. The end came not with the bang of a people-power revolution that at one point seemed likely to unseat her; nor with the muted rumble of tanks in a coup like the one that toppled her brother Thaksin from the same job in 2006; still less with the raucous clamour of a contested election, though one had been called for July 20th. Rather, it petered out in the whimper of a court order. Not for the first time the Thai judiciary has intervened to solve a problem that a broken political system could not fix. And not for the first time its intervention was to the Shinawatras detriment.坚持了约三年之后,英拉·西那瓦的总理岁月也将在本周不可避免地走向终结。然而最终让她认输的,既非一度动摇她职位的人民力量革命的爆发,也非在2006年曾迫使英拉的哥哥他信去职的坦克的低吼与政变。一场具有争议的选举也在民众喧嚷的要求下被推迟到了6月20日,不过英拉的去职与之也关系不大。最终这个故事在法庭判令与阵阵呜咽中渐渐落幕。对于泰国司法来说,这不是第一次介入解决那些由破碎的政治体制无法解决的问题。而西那瓦家族吃司法介入的亏,也同样不是第一次了。However, Thailand is not alone in fighting political battles with legal weapons. A number of Malaysian opposition politicians find themselves in legal trouble, with potentially serious consequences. In Myanmar the opposition is planning demonstrations this month to demand reform to a constitution that places legal obstacles in the way of the countrys democratisation, and of the right of Aung San Suu Kyi, the opposition leader, to stand in a presidential election she would surely win. Even in China a purge of potential opponents of Xi Jinping, the president and party leader, takes the form of a series of prosecutions for corruption. More hopefully, in Pakistan, Pervez Musharraf, a former army chief and military dictator, is fighting a charge of treason, in a trial testing the armys willingness to cede privileges and immunity to an elected civilian government.不过,利用法律武器进行政治斗争,可不仅仅是泰国一家。马来西亚的一些反对派政治家如今正深陷法律麻烦,可能会遭遇严重的后果。缅甸的反对派正在计划在本月展开一场示威游行,要求对一项妨碍国家民主化的宪法进行改革,并为反对派领袖昂山素季争取参加总统大选的权利。只要能参加选举,她就一定能获胜。即便是中国国家主席和党总书记习的清除潜在敌手行动中,也采取了对腐败提起公诉的形式。巴基斯坦则看来更有希望,前陆军参谋长,军事独裁者佩尔韦兹·穆沙拉夫正在与叛国罪的指控相斗争,这是一次对军方限制特权、不干预民选文职政府之意愿的检验。Various trends are at work. One, evident in India and Pakistan, is an enduring tradition of activism by a robustly independent judiciary. Often this has made the courts popular by comparison with the perceived lethargy, incompetence or malice of politicians. Public-interest litigation and its ability to make rulings suo moto (off its own bat) have encouraged Indias Supreme Court to meddle in environmental and social policy. It has forced Delhis buses, taxis and tuk-tuks to convert to compressed natural gas from dirtier fuels and has taken charge of Indias trees. The courts green interests might please liberals, but they rued a ruling last December that overturned a Delhi High Court decision lifting a ban on homosexuality. In Pakistan the courts helped bring down Mr Musharraf, but then proceeded to hound his civilian successor, Asif Ali Zardari, through his five-year term.这其中包含了很多不同的趋势。在印度与巴基斯坦,坚定又独立的司法部门有悠久的激进做派传统。相对于公众心目中陈腐,无能,又阴险的政治家,法院的这一形象更受民众欢迎。公益起诉的资格与独立作出裁决的能力使得印度最高法院乐于干预环境与社会政策。它已经让德里的巴士、的士、嘟嘟车都抛弃了落后的燃料,换上液化天然气,并且接管了全印度的树木。法院的绿色诉求或许能取悦自由派,不过他们也为去年十二月印度最高法院推翻了德里高级法院给同性恋禁令松绑的裁决而感到惋惜。巴基斯坦的法院正对打倒穆沙拉夫有功,不过随后的五年总统任期中,他们又盯上了穆沙拉夫那位文职的总统继任者,阿西夫·阿里·扎尔达里。Elsewhere, however, governments use the law as an instrument of political control. That is most obvious in one-party dictatorships such as China and Vietnam. But the suspicion of judicial persecution lingers even in countries whose governments present themselves as relatively liberal—such as Malaysias, which has lifted some repressive colonial-era legislation. Yet, after a close general election last year, a number of opposition politicians face charges for sedition or for breaches of the law on assembly. The most serious case has nothing to do with politics. It is the five-year sentence on a charge of sodomy against which Anwar Ibrahim, the leader of the opposition, is appealing.不过在其他地方,政府把法律当做了实施政治控制的工具。这在中国越南之类的一党专政国家尤为明显。不过,即使那些政府自我标榜为相对自由的国家,也无法摆脱司法迫害的嫌疑——譬如马拉西亚政府就推行了一些殖民地时代的镇压性法律。去年那场势均力敌的大选结束后,就有一些反对派政治家收到了煽动与妨碍法律制定的指控。其中最严重的案例甚至与政治都没有关系。反对党领导人安华·易卜拉欣被控罪并最终被判刑五年,他表示将上诉。When Barack Obama visited Malaysia last month, Najib Razak, the prime minister, stressed that the Anwar case was a judicial matter in which the government had no part. Yet it was the governments own appeal which led to Mr Anwars earlier acquittal being overturned. He is the figurehead who unites a diverse opposition torn at present by disagreement over the plan of one of its components, an Islamic party, to introduce fierce hudud punishments, such as amputations, in Kelantan, a state it governs. His disappearance into jail would be most damaging.上个月巴拉克·奥巴马访问马来西亚时,现任总理纳吉·阿都拉萨强调了安华案只是一起司法事件,政府没有参与其中。但正是政府的压力使得早先对安华的无罪裁决被推翻。安华是将反对派团结在一起的精神领袖,如今反对派内部四分五裂,原因是其中一家伊斯兰政党计划在其治下的吉兰丹州引入可怕的固定刑惩罚,而各反对派政党对此意见不一。安华入狱将重创反对派联盟。Thailand is illustrative of a third trend: for conservative judiciaries, when a time-honoured political dispensation changes, to find themselves, in effect, part of the opposition. Like much of the civil service, army and other pillars of Thailands royalist establishment, the judiciary abhors the Shinawatras alleged corruption with a special intensity in part because it fears their popularity, and hence their ability to overturn the accustomed order. In the Maldives, too, the courts helped get rid of a popular leader in 2012. Mohamed Nasheed was the first directly elected president after a long dictatorship. He threatened to shake things up, but lost a power struggle with a judge.泰国则代表了第三种趋势:保守的司法体制长久以来拥有超然的政治地位,但如今格局已渐渐改变,事实上司法部门已经成为了反对派的一部分。与公务员,军队,以及其他泰国保皇派主要群体一样,司法部门非常痛恨西那瓦家族的腐败。而且其中也有畏惧的成分。西那瓦家族拥有广泛的民众持,进而有能力颠覆现有格局。同样在马尔代夫,法院也在2012年为除去一位广受欢迎的领导人出了一把力。穆罕默德·纳希德是这个国家历经长期独裁后的第一位直选总统。 他曾出言要改天换地,但在与司法的权斗中败下阵来。The Singapore sting新加坡之痛The lesson drawn from all this by authoritarian ruling elites facing pressure for reform is how important it is to have the courts on your side. Not only does it avoid awkward stand-offs; it helps foster the impression that you are moving towards “the rule of law”. So, in Sri Lanka, the government of Mahinda Rajapaksa early last year impeached and sacked a troublesome chief justice. And in Cambodia laws now being considered would have the effect of emasculating judicial independence.面临改革压力的独裁统治都学到了一课:把司法拉拢到自己一边非常重要。这不单能避开麻烦的制衡状态,更能营造一种正在走向的印象。所以在斯里兰卡,马欣达·拉贾帕克萨的政府就弹劾并解职了一位麻烦的首席大法官。而柬埔寨的现行法律也被认为具有削弱司法独立性的作用。Cambodias strongman, Hun Sen, is known to cast an envious eye at an unlikely role model: Singapore. There, the ruling Peoples Action Party has been in power even longer than his own Cambodian Peoples Party (CPP). And it has managed this without resorting to the thuggery and coups that have ensured the CPPs grip. Part of the PAPs secret is its use of the law. Strict defamation and contempt-of-court laws inherited from the British were invoked against foreign critics and domestic opponents, forcing some into bankruptcy. Lee Kuan Yew, the founding prime minister, whose son now holds that job, justified this as necessary to protect Singapores leaders reputations, rather than as a way of hounding the opposition. But it had the same effect.众所周知,柬埔寨政治强人洪森非常羡慕一位可能不是榜样的榜样:新加坡。新加坡的执政党人民行动党比洪森的柬埔寨人民党掌权时间更久。而且人民行动党并不依靠人民党那套为抓紧政权所施展的阴谋与政变。法律就是人民党的一种秘密武器。严苛的诽谤与藐视法庭法源自英国,被用来打击外国批评家与国内反对派,其中有些人因此破产。首任总理李光耀认为这能保护新加坡领导人的名誉,而不是用来追击反对派。其实效果都一样。However, those in Cambodia and elsewhere make two mistakes when they see Singapore as a model of efficient authoritarianism applied in large measure through the legal system. One is that Singapore is an international city seen as under the rule of law. Its courts are respected, if not always the use the government has made of them. The other is that many Singaporeans are turning against the PAP, which is even trying to change its image.柬埔寨等国视新加坡为依靠司法实施高效威权主义的榜样,不过他们犯了两个错。首先新加坡是一个法治的国际化城市。要是政府不总是私自动用司法力量,那司法是很受尊敬的。其次很多新加坡人正转而反对人民行动党,甚至人民行动党自己也在寻求改变形象。 201406/303177Americas hospital industry美国医疗行业Taking a scalpel to costs对医疗费用动动刀Hospital operators brace themselves for health-care reform医院负责人正为医保制度改革做准备EARLIER this month Americas hospital bosses gathered in Washington, DC, with vice-president Joseph Biden.本月早些时候,美国医院的领导者们和副总统Joseph Biden齐聚华盛顿。To the amazement of many, they vowed to accept a cut of 5 billion in their expected revenues over the next decade as part of a grand bargain on health-care reform.令人感到惊奇的是,他们郑重同意在接下来的十年将预期收益削减1550亿美元,作为医疗保健改革已取得的巨大成效中的一部分。How can they justify giving away such a vast sum?他们为什么会同意放弃这么大一笔收益?There are several explanations, not all of them altruistic.对此有很多种解释,他们的动机也不全出于利他。Taken together, they show that the industrys leaders are bracing themselves for a period of upheaval.总之,他们已经显示出整个行业的领导人正积极应对未来行业的大变动。For hospitals, the positive thing about health-care reform is that it is going to be good for business.对医院来说,医保改革带来的好处是它对商业有利。It will be welcome news to an industry that is hardly in rude health.改革对于一个不太健康的行业来说总是好事。Despite two decades of consolidation, hospitals finances remain anaemic; over a quarter of them regularly post negative operating margins.诚然,医保行业走过了二十年的稳固期,但是医院的财经状况仍旧不景气,超过四分之一的医院存在周期性亏损。The recession is making things worse.而且现在的经济危机更是加剧了形势恶化。Moodys, a credit-rating agency, notes that many patients are putting off non-essential treatments.信贷评级机构Moodys注意到很多患者正在推迟一些非必须的治疗。So any reforms that promise a flood of new demand for health services should be welcome.因此任何可以使得医疗务的需求大幅增长的改革承诺都应该是大受欢迎的。Rich Umbdenstock, the head of the American Hospital Association and one of the bosses who shared the stage with Mr Biden,作为美国医院协会会长的Rich Umbdenstock和与副总统Biden先生见面会谈的领导人之一,acknowledges that extending health insurance to most of Americas nearly 50m uninsured will benefit his industry in the long term.承认从长远看来,为没有享受医保的五千万美国人提供保险将会使整个行业受益。Those unfortunates still turn up at emergency rooms and often do not pay their bills.这些没有医保的人们经常出现在急诊室里而且无力付医药单。The government gives hospitals some money to compensate them for this, but the AHA says it does not cover the full cost,对此,政府会给医院发放一定数额的资金以作弥补,但是美国医院协会表示,这些金额不足以付资金缺口。which it put at billion in 2007, up from .9 billion in 1980.这些缺口已经从1980年的39亿上升到2007年的340亿,Paul Mango of McKinsey, a consultancy, estimates that the hospitals recover only 10-12% of this cost.大约占医院每年财政收入的5%。来自咨询公司麦肯锡公司的Paul Mango估计,医院大概只能收回这些资金的10-12%,But he says the problem would be greatly reduced under a system of universal health-insurance which included subsidies for the indigent, as the proposed health reforms envisage.但他也说,如果可以建立一个大部分人都享受医保并且贫困人口得到补助的体制,这些资金缺口就可以被大大减少,而这种体制正是当前的医疗改革尝试建立的。Herbert Pardes, chief executive of New York-Presbyterian, a research hospital, says the large numbers of underinsured patients, who frequently fail to pay their bills in full, cost hospitals still more.Herbert Parades是纽约一家研究型医院Presbyterian的总裁,他说,很多保额不足的病人不能全额付他们的医疗花费,这仍旧给医院带来越来越大的负担。The huge sums the hospitals stand to gain from reducing such losses make even 5 billion over ten years look like a reasonable amount of money to sacrifice to secure such a bonanza.如果医院在未来十年可以通过削减这种损失而获得1550亿的利润,那么这样的暂时性损失也是合理的。But there are less virtuous reasons why the hospitals offered such a generous-sounding deal.但是人们不知道医院愿意放弃这样一笔利润的背后仍有很多不太高尚的原因。As Mr Umbdenstock notes, it was less painful than the 5 billion or more in cuts that Barack Obama had been pressing for earlier in the year.正如Umbdenstock先生所说,相比奥巴马总统今年早些时候敦促的2250亿甚至更多的财政削减计划,现行的削方案就没有那么痛苦了。This is a tacit acknowledgment that hospital chiefs were seeking to avert the one thing that strikes fear into their hearts: the sp of price controls.医院负责人们早已心照不宣地承认,他们通过这样的变通,正在努力避免物价被控制,这正是会令他们惊恐不安的事情。Because of the creeping expansion of Medicare and Medicaid, the publicly funded health-care schemes for the elderly and the poor,在美国,为老年病人和残疾病人的国家医疗照顾体制正在慢慢向更多的公民扩展,the government aly pays over half the bills at the average American hospital.正因为如此,平均下来政府已经为每家医院付了超过半数的医疗费。But the political left is clamouring for a government-run insurance plan, to compete with private ones, as part of any reform effort.但是政治左派却在改革之中叫嚣一个政府操作的保险计划,以此来和私人运营计划相抗衡。The problem, argues Toby Cosgrove, chief executive of the Cleveland Clinic, a hospital group, is that the existing public schemes routinely underpay hospitals for care.Toby Gosgrove是,一个名为Cleveland Clinic的理疗团体总裁,他说,这样做的问题在于,现行的医保体制总是使得医院获得不足额的补助。Some economists question that claim.一些经济学家对此持怀疑态度。Even so, it is probably right to suggest,尽管如此,正如Cosgrove医生所建议的,as Dr Cosgrove does, that any public insurance plan based on Medicares pricing would squeeze hospitals hard and, as a result, require private insurers to cross-subsidise the bill.依照目前国家医疗照顾体制的集款方式所运营的任何公共保险计划都会使医院出现资金困难,结果仍旧需要投保个人来买单。In addition to a determination to head off any moves towards greater government control over prices,采取此项改革的一个重要原因是医院领导人们下定决心阻止政府对医药价格的进一步控制,another even less noble reason for offering the price cut was a desire to thwart a proposed change to the tax status of non-profit hospitals, which make up most of the national total of 5,700 or so.相比而言另一个不怎么高尚的原因则是领导者们试图通过减少削减开来抵制改变非营利性医院税收政策的提案,非营利性医院在全美有5700家之多。On the ground that they provide charitable care, many religious and community hospitals have been granted an exemption allowing them to issue tax-free bonds,由于很多宗教和社区医院提供慈善性的救助,他们都享有税收优惠的政策,可以发放免税券,免收财产和收入税收等等。avoid taxes on property and income, and so on. But investigations by the Internal Revenue Service and others have revealed that many in fact provide very little charitable care, while paying enormous salaries or going on acquisition sprees.但是美国国内收入署和其他一些机关的调查表明,有些医院提供很少的慈善性救助,他们所做的无非是领取高额工资,无节制地享受收益。On this proposal, the industry may carry the day.在这样的提案下,整个行业的反对可能会占上风。Although the tax break is hard to defend, closing the loophole would lead to many small, weak hospitals shutting down—something voters would be unlikely to tolerate.尽管人们很难为税务减免而辩护,结束这样的漏洞可能会导致很多小型医院的倒闭,这正是选民们不能容忍的事情。Even those hospitals that survived might spark a backlash.甚至那些得以幸存的医院也会引发人们强烈的反对。Dr Pardes argues that abolishing the tax advantages would mean higher running costs that would inevitably be passed through to those patients who have private insurance.Parades医生说废除税收优惠政策即意味着更高的运作成本,这无疑将给那些拥有个人医疗保险的病人施加经济负担。The other great fear of hospital bosses is being forced to accept greater competition.医院负责人们的另一个隐忧是被迫进入激烈的行业竞争。Although the industry is fragmented, Jon Scholl of the Boston Consulting Group points out that because pricing is done at city or regional level, there are local pockets of power.波士顿咨询集团的Jon Scholl指出,现在的医疗行业处于离破碎的状态,由于定价的过程是在某一城市或地区范围之内完成的,本地权利口袋影响定价的行为是存在的。Alain Enthoven, an economist at Stanford Universitys business school who helped inspire the managed health care movement of the 1990s, promoted an approach that succeeded in squeezing costs at the time,Alain Enthoven是来自斯坦福大学商学院的经济学家,他曾经在二十世纪90年代推动管理医保运动的开展。but ultimately failed as patients rebelled against the restrictions it placed on their choice of doctors and treatments.当时他推行的改革方案在削减成本方面颇有成效,但因为病患不满他们失去了选择医生和疗法的自由而抗议,这项改革以失败告终。Mr Enthoven argues that the consolidation that followed managed care has resulted in too little competition.Enthoven先生认为,改革失败后的相对稳固导致了今日几无竞争存在的行业格局。Antitrust action in the hospital field has been woefully weak, he says.他说:反垄断在医疗行业只是一句可悲的空话。There are some innovative competitors emerging to challenge hospitals.当然还是有一些富有创新精神愿意挑战垄断的竞争者出现。Paul Keckley of Deloitte, a consultancy, estimates that there are over 1,000 retail health clinics operating today at Wal-Mart stores,Deloitte咨询公司的Paul Keckley估计,在沃尔玛店铺,Walgreen药店还有其他的一些便利商店,总共有超过1000家药品零售诊所存在。Walgreens pharmacies and other convenient locations, and their numbers are expected to multiply in the next few years.在今后几年,这些零售诊所的数量有可能翻倍。Some of these cheap and cheerful outfits are staffed by nurse practitioners, which incenses doctors and hospital bosses.一些有医师资格的护士在这里工作,他们的工资水平比医师低很多,这让医生和医院负责人们很是恼怒。The nascent boom in medical tourism could also disrupt the hospital business,但医疗旅游近期的初步兴起还是困扰医疗行业的一个原因。even if every hip-replacement patient does not actually go to India to get it done.尽管不是每一个需要做髋关节置换手术的病人都选择去印度治疗,Mr Keckley points out that in several parts of the country the mere introduction of insurance plans offering cheap surgery abroad has forced local hospitals to respond by slashing their prices—something unheard of in this industry.Keckley先生指出,在美国的一些地方,出现了一些提供便宜海外手术的医疗保险计划,这就使得当地医院不得不采取减价策略,但事实上,减价在医疗行业是前所未闻的事情。Mr Enthoven argues that if reforms are done properly, they would force hospitals to get organised to compete and get more efficient.Enthoven先生说,如果改革可以成功实施,那么这将促使医院组织性更强的去参与行业竞争,而且将使整个行业提高效率。Alas, the omens are not good.但是,目前的预兆不太好。One of the explicit concessions wrung by the hospital bosses from the White House was a promise to crack down on clinics owned by doctors.医院负责人们与政府方面协商出的一个明确让步就是打击私人医生开设的诊所。These outfits are guilty of anti-competitive self-dealing, since the doctor has a financial motive to refer cases to his own firm,因为医生们出于经济动机可能会向自己的私人诊所推荐病例,这些小诊所违反了反竞争的自利交易原则,but what hospital bosses were really concerned about was that such clinics are competing hard with them, and siphoning off the most profitable patients.但事实上医院负责人们真正担心的问题是这些小诊所正与大医院激烈的竞争,大医院可能因此失掉那些可以让他们赚大钱的病例。As this back-room deal illustrates, the strongest motives behind the hospitals ostensibly generous price cut were self-serving ones: to reduce competition, not boost it,正如这个密室协议所明的,在医院表面慷慨削减开的背后,最真实的动机却是自我获利:and to head off any increase in government influence over their prices.非但不促进,反而减少竞争,并竭力避免任何可能出现的政府对价格的管制。As health-care reform forges ahead, reformers are desperate to find cost savings and the hospital industry is a juicy target.医保改革就在眼前,改革者们将会失望的发现医疗行业减少开的目标很难实现。So its bosses felt they had to cut a deal.所以行业负责人们觉得他们必须做笔交易。As Julius Hobson of Bryan Cave, a veteran health lobbyist, puts it: If youre not at the table, then youre on the .Julius Hobson,是Bryan Cave公司的一个老兵健康游说者,现在的情形正如他所说:如果你不愿意主动出击,那你就等着被人利用吧。 /201304/237221当阳市人民中妇幼保健医院男科专家

秭归县人民中妇幼保健医院治疗性功能障碍多少钱宜昌市第一人民医院包皮手术怎么样By the mid 1800s, the horse and the cowboy had come to symbolize the wild west. And of course, with the cowboys came cattle. As the bison quickly vanished from the landscape, cattle filled their place. 到19世纪中叶,马与牛仔成为了辽阔西部的象征。当然,既然提到牛仔,那么一定会提到牛。随着北美野牛快速地从大陆上消失,家牛取代了他们的位置。Meanwhile increasing numbers of the tame horses escaped into the wild. These feral horses became known by the Spanish name, mustang. They put extra pressure on the dwindling bison numbers by competing for their grazing sites and drinking holes. 与此同时,越来越多的被驯的马儿逃到了西部。这些野马成为了西班牙语中所称的“木斯塘马(mustang)”,它们数量的上升也给北美野牛的存活增添不少压力,它们与北美野牛争抢草原和水源。Mustangs form social groups led by a dominant stallion, echoing their prehistoric relatives that lived here during the Ice Age. 木斯塘马是一个群居的种族,由一匹占统治地位的公马领导整个族群,这一点和它们冰河时代栖息于此的史前亲戚相同。Bred to carry the weight of a rider, mustangs are larger than those early wild horses, but they still display the same kind of behavior. 木斯塘马是供人骑乘的,从体重看,他们比那些之前的野马体型更大,但是两种马匹的行为有很多相同之处。By the early 1800s, the wild horse was well and truly back in North America, but how did other wildlife on the continent survive alongside growing human populations?19世纪早期,野马真正回归北美大陆,但是大陆上其他的野外生物是怎么在人类数量速度增加的情况下存活的呢?Some wild creatures did the reverse of mustangs by becoming tame and choosing to live close to people. The purple martin became an unofficial mascot for native inhabitants in the eastern half of the continent. Here people erected special nesting sites to encourage the birds to stay.一些野外生物也和木斯塘马一样选择了追随人类并被其驯。在大陆的东半侧,北美洲紫燕在当地居民眼中是一种吉祥物。在这里,人类为紫燕建巢并希望这些鸟儿留在这里。英文文本来自普特英语,译文属未经许可不得转载。201311/266549宜昌男人割包皮多少钱Business商业报道Solar tariffs太阳能关税Sunspots太阳黑子American tariffs on Chinese solar panels are dangerous and pointless美国针对中国太阳能电池板的关税是危险且无意义的SOLAR energy is at a delicate,maybe historic, moment.太阳能正处于一个微妙的、抑或是意义重大的关头。The cost of the glassy photovoltaic panels that generate most solar electricity—by freeing electrons from a semi conducting material such as silicon—is plummeting.透亮的光伏电池板花费正大幅下降,它们通过从半导体材料中释放出电子而生产了大多数的太阳能电力。In the past four years their average cost has fallen by more than 75%.过去四年当中它们的平均花费跌去了75%以上。At less than per watt of generating capacity, solar is now the cheapest power source in some sunny places, especially those, like India, that lack fossil-fuelled alternatives.每发1瓦特电量只需不到1美元,太阳能现在是一些光照充足地区最廉价的能源,尤其是在那些缺少化石燃料替代物的地方,比如印度。This is starting to look like a revolution.这开始看起来像是一场革命。Everyone who wants a reliable and nonpolluting energy supply, you would think, would welcome that.你也许会想,每一个想要可靠且无污染的能源供给的人都将欢迎它。But on May 17th Americas Commerce Department slapped a provisional tariff of 31% on 61 Chinese makers of solar panels, including some of the cheapest in the business.然而5月17日美国商务部对61家中国的太阳能板制造商强征31%的临时性关税。Another group of unnamed Chinese solar companies, which failed to respond satisfactorily to the departments inquiries, were hit with a 250% tariff.另一批未被提及的中国太阳能公司则因未能对该部门的询问给出满意的答复,受到了250%的关税的打击。These duties, which are expected to be confirmed in October, were in response to an anti-dumping complaint from seven solar firms including Solar World, a German company with operations in America.预计将于10月被批准,这些关税是针对一起由7家太阳能公司提起的反倾销诉讼所做出的回应,当中包括一家在美国运营的德国公司SolarWorld。Chinas panelmaking industry has seen explosive growth, fuelled by strong demand, mainly from Europe, but also by soft loans from state-owned lenders.在强劲的需求以及国有出借方的宽松贷款刺激下,中国的电池板生产行业经历了爆炸式增长。Chinese panelmakers are reckoned by Bloomberg New Energy Finance, a research firm, to be able to make panels for around 10% less than the industrys average cost.研究公司彭新能源财经认为,中国的电池板制造商能够以低于行业平均成本10%左右来生产电池板。They have undercut European and American producers:他们正用低价策略削弱欧美制造商:between and 2011 the value of American imports of cheap Chinese panels soared from 0m to .1 billion.在年到2011年间,美国进口的廉价中国电池板的货值从6400万美元激增到31亿美元。This has brought misery to higher-cost producers,这让高成本的制造商处境艰难,which a recent slowdown in demand for solar panels, caused mostly by reductions in European and American subsidies, has greatly exacerbated.而近期主要受到欧美补贴减少的影响,太阳能电池板需求放缓,更是雪上加霜。Many solar firms, Chinese and otherwise, are now furiously selling inventory—the bane of an industry where prices are falling—at a loss.许多太阳能公司都在亏损,中国的还是其他地方的,都正在亏本极力消化库存,而价格下跌是一个行业灾祸降临的原因。Some have gone bust, including recently a clutch of once-pioneering German firms such as Solarhybrid, Solon, Solar Millennium and Q-Cells.一些公司走向破产,包括最近的一撮昔日里先驱级的德国公司,比如Solarhybrid,Solon,Solar Millennium,以及Q-Cells.The American tariffs, if confirmed, will annoy Chinese panelmakers—and perhaps a wide array of American exporters, too, if Chinas “strongly dissatisfied” government launches retaliatory measures.美国的关税如获批准,将会惹怒中国的电池板制造商,而如果中国“强烈不满”的政府展开报复性措施的话,被惹怒的也许还有大批的美国出口商。But they are unlikely to save many Western solar firms.但是关税不太可能拯救太多西方国家的太阳能公司。The tariffs were long mooted, which has allowed Chinese exporters to build large inventories in the ed States.关税有很长的酝酿期,这让中国的出口商在美国积攒了大量库存。Some developers of American solar projects have also signed precautionary deals, committing their Chinese suppliers to covering the cost of the mooted tariffs.一些美国的太阳能工程开发商也签订了预防性交易,答应替他们的中国供应商承担长期的关税成本。The most integrated Chinese solar firms,中国最完善的太阳能公司,such as SunTech, the worlds biggest panel-maker, could probably stomach this, because panels represent less than a quarter of the cost of installed solar generating capacity.比如世界最大的电池板生产商尚德,可能能够承受的了,因为电池板只占太阳能发电设备安装费用的1/4以下。Financing, installation and other infrastructure costs account for the rest.其余的成本在融资、安装以及其它基础设施上。They will also look to make or buy panels in other Asian manufacturing hubs, such as Taiwan and South Korea.他们同样会寻求在其他亚洲制造业中心,比如台湾、韩国,去生产或购买电池板。These panels will not be subject to the tariffs, even if they are assembled into solar modules in China.这些电池板不受关税影响,即便它们是由在中国制造的太阳能原件组装而成。Whatever the legal merits of SolarWorlds complaint, America will help neither the planet nor its own domestic consumers by shutting out Chinese solar panels.无论SolarWorld公司的控告在法律上有何优点,美国将中国的太阳能电池板拒之门外既不会帮到这个星球,也不会帮到自己国内的消费者。And, predicts BNEFs Nat Bullard, the tariffs will not even do much to protect American solar firms.而且据BNEFs Nat Bullard预计,关税甚至不会对美国的太阳能公司提供多少保护。 点击此处下载本期经济学人讲解PDF与音频字幕 /201306/245829宜昌妇幼保健医院男科专家

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